social justice essay on education

Social Justice in Education Essay

Justice in every contemporary society is a matter of concern. Social justice as advocated by the human rights is focused towards ensuring that human rights are equally available to all persons regardless of their ethnic origins, religions, social status and gender (Gigacz, 2007). Religious institutions and schools are then mandated to ensure that schools have included social justice education in their curriculum. The purpose of teaching justice in schools is deeply rooted in the religious teachings (Mananzan, 2002).

The education pertaining to justice subsists to promote and encourage fairness both in schools and in the community. In the New Testament, the Bible through the Christ teachings emphasises on the agape love as justice that goes beyond mere relationship with our friends but with our enemies (Groome, 1997).

Therefore, by maintaining a clear distinction between the education about justice in the classroom and offering various channels of justice execution in the wider school environment is a crucial step towards realizing social justice in the school environment and the community as a whole.

With a clear distinction between justice taught in class and justice allowed to thrive in the school environments, teachers can be able to observe how their students perceive and response to social injustices in the society and within the school set up. Through this, students’ behaviours and responses to ethnicity, religions, social status and gender can be closely monitored. This practise then mandates that the school administration provides channels and means through which social justice and fairness can flourish.

They are then expected to put relentless effort to counterbalance all tendencies trying to sideline all the marginalized members within the school environment. As such, the school policies and strategies should be, free of gender, religious, social status and ethnic biases. This approach will ultimately lead to better appreciation of the minority students.

In mono-cultural education, the fellow students and teachers usually look down upon minority students (Mananzan, 2002). However, by clearly differentiating between educating about justice in the classroom and offering the establishment of justice, teachers will promote the acceptance of cultural diversity.

Tuohy in his writings illustrates how the catholic teachings promote and advocate thoughts and actions in their social teachings (Tuohy, 2005). Similarly By outlining the distinction between the forms of justice in the classroom set-up and offering the execution of justice in the wider school environment, students should not only depend on their teachers’ opinions, but also equally develop their own opinions in this regard.

Tuohy suggest that the world of thought inspired from class work introduces the students to values, principles and ideas that guide them in their daily activities. Likewise the world of actions demands that the principles and ideas learnt in class must be translated practically into the students lives (Tuohy, 2005).

By doing so, students will demonstrate that they are respectable thinking beings. Through their class-derived knowledge on social justice, they can examine their own identities in the environment in a just manner. Similarly, by allowing students to learn on their own, we let them to have multiple viewpoints in solving different issues affecting them.

Therefore, through the effective appreciation of social justice by students and their teachers, we not only differentiate between the justice taught in class and the justice formed within our settings, but also understand that every person can on their own develop and engage with others in a free and just society.

With a clear distinction, teachers and the school staff will not only teach their students, but will also serve them by acting as role models. This implies that teachers must demonstrate to students through words and actions the importance of being just by respecting, caring and loving them. Through these acts, teachers will initiate and spark critical thinking and curiosity among their students.

The failure to differentiate between the justices taught in the classroom and practiced justice means that we have introduced academic aspects in the social justice education (Mananzan, 2002). With a clear distinction between the two, students would not only put into practice what they have learnt in class, but would also have the chance to understand their real world challenges.

Some teachers only focus on teaching their students the social education without emphasizing on the practical justice experiences challenging students such as gender and racial discrimination. With such teaching methodologies, students will only major on cramming their class work for passing their exams. Normally student under the guidance of such teachers adopt poor social skills (Mananzan, 2002).

All types of education including social justice are geared towards making a difference in students’ lives both in school and outside the community (Mananzan, 2002).

It must engender transformative approaches by students, teachers and the community at large. To achieve this cause, social justice education should not only be taught in class, but also be allowed to thrive through practical actions in classrooms, school environment and in the society. This calls for students to be critical, analyze the world from their own perspective, and take actions as per their insights (Mananzan, 2002).

As Tuohy suggest, School religious education aims at promoting ethical thinking and actions in the society. In this regard, students are introduced to ethical ideas, values and principles aimed at promoting just behaviours both in school and in the society (Tuohy, 2005). By actions, these students are supposed to demonstrate practically what they have learnt in class. The school as a centre where concepts are develop and conveyed means that religious teachings through clear distinction of forms of justice will be refined.

By clearly differentiating between the educations about justice in the classroom and offering the formation for justice in the wider school environment, we encourage students to embrace both Bibliotherapy and case studies (Ferreira, 2008). The Bibliotherapy process allows students to solve their problems through reading class books and other relevant articles. There are several religious books and articles available in our schools.

When students assess these articles, they are encouraged to become more morally upright and just as the religious education permits. Similarly, through case studies, students stimulate and initiate their own critical thinking to help them in solving their day-to-day problems.

In this regard, teachers encourage their students to collect data about social injustices in the society. This data, relative to their moral issues, undergoes critical examination and analysis. Like the previous method, this method permits students to learn acceptable morals and encourages them to uphold justice in their daily endeavours. Thus, the two methods equally contribute to the refining of the religious education in our schools.

To highlight the concept taught in the Bible and other religious books, religious education aims at instilling favourable behaviours and habits in students’ lives through teachings of peace and social justice (Groome, 1997). Social justice education permits just and fair environment in our society.

This implies that through the learning and application of social justice between the students and school workforce, students are moulded into morally upright and just individuals. All these attributes as advocated in religious education imply that students are not only going to enjoy their religious lessons, but also comprehend the message passed by these lessons and employ it bettering themselves.

In addition, the emphasis of actions and reflection in these teaching approaches such as need for a critical reflection is eminent as constituted by several religious teachings and ministries (Mananzan, 2002). To ensure the continuation of the work on justice, teachers will conduct further research to understand the background culture of their students hence unmasking their personal insights and prejudices against other cultures and religions.

As a result, the teachers will have a preview of those who suffer from injustices including their minority students. In the course of this process, our instincts and guilt are going to convict us to live morally upright and justified lives as advocated by the religious lessons in our schools.

Religious education emphasizes on social justice, and a moral society implies that social justice should be design in such a manner as to promote and allow justice to prevail among school set-ups. Likewise, religious lessons and most religious articles encourage readers to maintain a healthy and good relationship with the authorities (Tuohy, 2005).

Thus, through the clear distinction of the taught form of justice and the created justice, students learn and foster good relationships among themselves, teachers and the community members. In this regard, the students will have refined their religious lessons teachings and values.

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What Is Social Justice Education Anyway?

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The notion of social justice pedagogy has become pertinent in education, especially in urban communities that have a history of being oppressed through schooling. To practice social justice teaching and learning practices is to truly see students for who they are and where they come from. But what does it mean to see students? Seeing students requires teachers to recognize them as valuable contributors to the classroom space, as opposed to social, cultural, and academic burdens on the so-called master in the room—the teacher.

A social justice education is centered in democracy and the freedom to exercise one’s full humanity. Conceptions of equity and democracy have always been practically and theoretically connected to the field of education, which is often perceived as the greatest human equalizer. Although there is some truth to this, it is important to understand that the notion of meritocracy is flawed, especially when you come from economically marginalized communities. If you work hard and get straight As in school, it does not automatically mean that you will attain social mobility. This is the very nature of capitalism: Somebody wins, and many people lose. This is particularly true if you are from a poor or working-class community.

Many people think that social justice education is optional, something cool to do during a special professional-development session.

What I am describing here is social reproduction theory, developed by Karl Marx, to illustrate the ways that social inequality is passed on from one generation to the next. What does this have to do with education? Well, we must begin to look at education intersectionally. We cannot talk about schools, without addressing race, class, gender, ability, sexuality, and politics, because education is a political act. To ignore intersectionality within schools erases the very identities present in our classrooms and in our respective communities, every day.

As the director of a teacher-education program, one of my primary goals upon stepping into this role was building a vision that honors social justice teaching and learning practices. In one of my courses on curriculum and instruction, I implore students to look at curriculum as a primary mechanism for making the world a more equitable place.

We learn curricular theories from the likes of John Dewey and bell hooks. We use these theories as lenses to better understand ourselves, those who are different from us, and the various communities we all represent. Through this process, students begin to come to terms with the ways that their own education has been oppressive, while thinking through solutions for not repeating the cycle, once they step into the classroom.

However, I must admit that this work is not easy, primarily because many people think that social justice education is optional , something cool to do during a special professional-development session. As I continue to push for social justice education across all urban teacher education courses, everyone initially agrees to do this work. But agreeing and implementing social justice pedagogy are two different things.

One can agree that education is a great human equalizer, yet there are still schools that have significantly fewer resources and less funding than others. There are still many students, predominantly Black and Brown, who are stereotyped as “below standard” before they are loved, taught, and respected. Teachers are still underpaid and overworked, often blamed for all of the failings of the public education system. However, the problems of the public education system are layered and connected to policymakers, school districts, parents, teachers, students, and deeply entrenched racist ideologies. A surefire way to penetrate the racialized and class-based problems of urban school systems is by adopting a social justice pedagogy.

So what exactly does a social justice pedagogy or model look like?

Here are five social justice-based strategies that will help create a more humanizing, welcoming, and intellectual learning environment in your classroom across grade levels and content areas.

1. Acknowledge who is in the room.

In order to truly teach your students in a way that is humanizing and affirming, you must know who they are and where they come from. This means learning about their respective communities, cultures, and families.

2. Start with the knowledge your students have.

Your students are coming into your classroom with prior knowledge tied to various content areas that are connected to their culturally relevant understandings of the world. Embrace what they already know by implementing it into the curriculum, while building new knowledge alongside them.

3. Create unit plans and curricular maps for the entire year.

Planning for your students ahead of time is key to having the most critical and engaging school year. By using a backwards-design framework centered in equity and inclusivity with regard to your content area, you want to think of where you want your students to be by the end of the year, and work backwards to develop the assessments and activities that will accompany objective mastery.

4. Be honest about who you are and your biases.

We all have biases as a result of living in the United States, which was founded upon white supremacy. As such, it is important to reflect on your personal prejudices. Acknowledging and healing your biases will make you a better social justice educator.

5. Encourage students to question everything, including your teaching.

A social justice classroom is one that is critical in nature, thus, we should be constantly encouraging students to question the world around them as well as the schools they attend. Give students opportunities to critique and construct their own opinions and interpretations of your teaching and the overall school culture.

If we truly want to change the world we live in, education is the best place to start. Considering the rapid transformation of the United States socially, culturally, racially, and linguistically, the only pathway to a more just education system is by adopting a radical and relentless pursuit of social justice teaching and learning practices.

A version of this article appeared in the January 23, 2019 edition of Education Week as What Is Social Justice Education Anyway?

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Educators learning through struggle: Political education in social justice caucuses

• Published: 04 October 2021
• Volume 24 , pages 291–315, ( 2023 )

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• Rhiannon M. Maton   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-1658-5205 1 &
• Lauren Ware Stark 2  

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At a time when educators are increasingly rising up within and beyond their unions to protect public education, it is vital to understand how activist educators become politicized and how their activist organizations contribute to such political education efforts. In this article, Maton and Stark examine the grassroots organizing work of three educator-led social justice caucuses and a national network in order to explicate how five forms of political education—relational, structured, situational, mobilized, and networked—support educators’ political learning within and beyond their unions. We tease apart the characteristics and central knowledge sources inherent to these five forms of political education, showcasing examples of how caucuses capitalize upon and embed political education within their change-making efforts.

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It may be argued that there are localized examples of social justice caucuses and unions embracing values and priorities that at times diverge from community interest. However, the literature shows that social justice unionism as a philosophy and movement strives to avoid such divisions and foster solidarity amongst unions, union members, community groups, and community members (Fletcher & Gapasin, 2008 ; McAlevey, 2016 ; Weiner, 2012 ).

Ideological diversity among caucus members can, at times, foster tensions within caucuses. For example, some caucus members may prioritize internal union politics while others prioritize advocating for curricular reforms. These tensions can be productive when navigated through democratic processes, but unresolved tensions risk alienating new members. For more on intracaucus tensions, see Asselin ( 2019 ) and Stark ( 2019 ).

For more on how such campaigns and mobilizations are identified and selected, please see Stark ( 2019 ), Bradbury et al., (2014) , and McAlevey ( 2016 ).

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Maton, R.M., Stark, L.W. Educators learning through struggle: Political education in social justice caucuses. J Educ Change 24 , 291–315 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10833-021-09444-0

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Home — Essay Samples — Sociology — Individual and Society — Social Justice

Essays on Social Justice

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Starting with the right prompt can set the tone for a powerful social justice essay. Prompts such as "Analyze the impact of systemic racism on education" or "Explore the role of social media in social justice movements" encourage critical thinking and provide a clear direction for your research and argumentation.

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Social justice is justice in terms of the distribution of wealth, opportunities, and privileges within a society.

In Western and Asian cultures, the concept of social justice has often referred to the process of ensuring that individuals fulfill their societal roles and receive what was their due from society. In the current movements for social justice, the emphasis has been on the breaking of barriers for social mobility, the creation of safety nets, and economic justice. Social justice assigns rights and duties in the institutions of society, which enables people to receive the basic benefits and burdens of cooperation.

The relevant institutions often include taxation, social insurance, public health, public school, public services, labor law and regulation of markets, to ensure distribution of wealth, and equal opportunity.

The five main principles of social justice include access to resources, equity, participation, diversity, and human rights.

1. Tyler, T. R. (2000). Social justice: Outcome and procedure. International journal of psychology, 35(2), 117-125. (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1080/002075900399411) 2. Zajda, J., Majhanovich, S., & Rust, V. (2006). Introduction: Education and social justice. International Review of Education/Internationale Zeitschrift für Erziehungswissenschaft/Revue Internationale de l'Education, 9-22. (https://www.jstor.org/stable/29737064) 3. Capper, C. A., Theoharis, G., & Sebastian, J. (2006). Toward a framework for preparing leaders for social justice. Journal of educational administration. (https://www.emerald.com/insight/content/doi/10.1108/09578230610664814/full/html) 4. Leach, M., Stirling, A. C., & Scoones, I. (2010). Dynamic sustainabilities: technology, environment, social justice (p. 232). Taylor & Francis. (https://library.oapen.org/handle/20.500.12657/52748) 5. Kluegel, J. R., Mason, D. S., & Wegener, B. (1995). Social justice and political change. De Gruyter.. (https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1515/9783110868944/html) 6. Duff, W. M., Flinn, A., Suurtamm, K. E., & Wallace, D. A. (2013). Social justice impact of archives: a preliminary investigation. Archival Science, 13, 317-348. (https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10502-012-9198-x) 7. McKenzie, K. B., Christman, D. E., Hernandez, F., Fierro, E., Capper, C. A., Dantley, M., ... & Scheurich, J. J. (2008). From the field: A proposal for educating leaders for social justice. Educational administration quarterly, 44(1), 111-138. (https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0013161X07309470?journalCode=eaqa) 8. Nussbaum, M. (2002). Capabilities and social justice. International Studies Review, 4(2), 123-135. (https://academic.oup.com/isr/article-abstract/4/2/123/1794864) 9. Apple, M. W. (2009). Global crises, social justice, and education. In Global crises, social justice, and education (pp. 9-32). Routledge. (https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9780203861448-5/global-crises-social-justice-education-michael-apple) 10. Jost, J. T., & Kay, A. C. (2010). Social justice: History, theory, and research. (https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2010-03506-030)

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Learning for Justice helps connect ‘Brown’ decision to education justice today

Safiya Charles Staff Writer

Seventy years ago today, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled on Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas . The 1954 decision struck down the notion of “separate but equal” within public education. It declared that school segregation violated the 14 th Amendment , which provides equal protection under the country’s laws.

Yet lessons about Brown too often focus on the inspirational while failing to address the complexities of the Civil Rights Movement, the opposition to desegregation and the intense pushback to equality that we face today. The simple, inspirational story fails to recognize the persistent efforts to derail Brown ’s efficacy, such as the explosion of private “whites only” schools in its wake, attempts to slash public education spending or siphon those tax dollars – and students – to private schools with vouchers.

Learning for Justice’s article and toolkit, Connecting the “Brown” Decision to Today’s Social Justice Movement , provides a resource for effectively exploring the decision, its impact on schooling for Black and Brown children and its relevance today. Perhaps, most importantly, it encourages us to “resist telling the simple story” of Brown . Read the article here .

In a photo from August 1958, Thurgood Marshall, then chief legal counsel for the NAACP, sits on the U.S. Supreme Court steps with students from Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas, after appealing a court order to delay integration at their school. (Credit: Associated Press)

Essay on Social Justice

Students are often asked to write an essay on Social Justice in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Social Justice

Understanding social justice.

Social justice is the fair treatment of all people in society. It’s about making sure everyone has equal opportunities, irrespective of their background or status.

Importance of Social Justice

Social justice is important because it promotes equality. It helps to reduce disparities in wealth, access to resources, and social privileges.

Role of Individuals

Every person can contribute to social justice. By treating others fairly, respecting diversity, and standing against discrimination, we can promote social justice.

In conclusion, social justice is vital for a balanced society. It ensures everyone has a fair chance to succeed in life.

Also check:

• Paragraph on Social Justice

250 Words Essay on Social Justice

Social justice, a multifaceted concept, is the fair distribution of opportunities, privileges, and resources within a society. It encompasses dimensions like economic parity, gender equality, environmental justice, and human rights. The core of social justice is the belief that everyone deserves equal economic, political, and social opportunities irrespective of race, gender, or religion.

The Importance of Social Justice

Social justice is pivotal in fostering a harmonious society. It ensures that everyone has access to the basic necessities of life and can exercise their rights without discrimination. It is the cornerstone of peace and stability in any society. Without social justice, the divide between different socio-economic classes widens, leading to social unrest.

Challenges to Social Justice

Despite its importance, achieving social justice is fraught with challenges. Systemic issues like discrimination, poverty, and lack of access to quality education and healthcare are significant roadblocks. These challenges are deeply ingrained in societal structures and require collective efforts to overcome.

The Role of Individuals in Promoting Social Justice

Every individual plays a crucial role in promoting social justice. Through conscious efforts like advocating for equal rights, supporting policies that promote equality, and standing against discrimination, individuals can contribute to building a just society.

In conclusion, social justice is a fundamental principle for peaceful coexistence within societies. Despite the challenges, each individual’s conscious effort can contribute significantly to achieving this noble goal. The journey towards social justice is long and arduous, but it is a path worth treading for the betterment of humanity.

500 Words Essay on Social Justice

Introduction to social justice.

Social justice, a multifaceted concept, is often described as the fair and equitable distribution of resources and opportunities, where outside factors that categorize people into social strata are irrelevant. It encompasses the idea that all individuals should have equal access to wealth, health, well-being, justice, privileges, and opportunity irrespective of their legal, political, economic, or other circumstances.

Origins and Evolution of Social Justice

The concept of social justice emerged during the Industrial Revolution and subsequent civil revolutions as a counter to the vast disparities in wealth and social capital. It was a call for societal and structural changes, aiming to minimize socio-economic differences. The term was first used by Jesuit priest Luigi Taparelli in the mid-19th century, influenced by the teachings of Thomas Aquinas. Since then, the concept has evolved and expanded, encompassing issues like environmental justice, health equity, and human rights.

The Pillars of Social Justice

Social justice rests on four essential pillars: human rights, access, participation, and equity. Human rights are the fundamental rights and freedoms to which all individuals are entitled. Access involves equal opportunities in terms of resources, rights, goods, and services. Participation emphasizes the importance of all individuals contributing to and benefiting from economic, social, political, and cultural life. Equity ensures the fair distribution of resources and opportunities.

Social Justice in Today’s World

In the 21st century, social justice takes many forms and intersects with various areas such as race, gender, sexuality, and class. It is increasingly associated with the fight against systemic issues like racism, sexism, and classism. The Black Lives Matter movement, for instance, is a social justice movement fighting against systemic racism and violence towards black people. Similarly, the #MeToo movement is a fight for gender justice, aiming to end sexual harassment and assault.

Despite the progress, numerous challenges to social justice persist. Systemic and structural discrimination, political disenfranchisement, economic inequality, and social stratification are just a few. Moreover, the rise of populism and nationalism worldwide has further complicated the fight for social justice, as these ideologies often thrive on division and inequality.

Promoting social justice requires collective action. Individuals can contribute by becoming more aware of the injustices around them, advocating for policies that promote equity, and standing up against discrimination. Education plays a crucial role in this process, as it can foster a deeper understanding of social justice issues and equip individuals with the tools to effect change.

In conclusion, social justice is a powerful concept that advocates for a fairer, more equitable society. While significant strides have been made, numerous challenges remain, necessitating a continued commitment to promoting social justice. Through education and advocacy, individuals can play a crucial role in this ongoing effort. The pursuit of social justice, therefore, is not just a societal or institutional responsibility, but an individual one as well.

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Guest Essay

The Happiness Gap Between Left and Right Isn’t Closing

By Thomas B. Edsall

Mr. Edsall contributes a weekly column from Washington, D.C., on politics, demographics and inequality.

Why is it that a substantial body of social science research finds that conservatives are happier than liberals?

A partial answer: Those on the right are less likely to be angered or upset by social and economic inequities, believing that the system rewards those who work hard, that hierarchies are part of the natural order of things and that market outcomes are fundamentally fair.

Those on the left stand in opposition to each of these assessments of the social order, prompting frustration and discontent with the world around them.

The happiness gap has been with us for at least 50 years, and most research seeking to explain it has focused on conservatives. More recently, however, psychologists and other social scientists have begun to dig deeper into the underpinnings of liberal discontent — not only unhappiness but also depression and other measures of dissatisfaction.

One of the findings emerging from this research is that the decline in happiness and in a sense of agency is concentrated among those on the left who stress matters of identity, social justice and the oppression of marginalized groups.

There is, in addition, a parallel phenomenon taking place on the right as Donald Trump and his MAGA loyalists angrily complain of oppression by liberals who engage in a relentless vendetta to keep Trump out of the White House.

There is a difference in the way the left and right react to frustration and grievance. Instead of despair, the contemporary right has responded with mounting anger, rejecting democratic institutions and norms.

In a 2021 Vox article, “ Trump and the Republican Revolt Against Democracy ,” Zack Beauchamp described in detail the emergence of destructive and aggressive discontent among conservatives.

Citing a wide range of polling data and academic studies, Beauchamp found:

More than twice as many Republicans (39 percent) as Democrats (17 percent) believed that “if elected leaders won’t protect America, the people must act — even if that means violence.”

Fifty-seven percent of Republicans considered Democrats to be “enemies,” compared with 41 percent of Democrats who viewed Republicans as “enemies.”

Among Republicans, support for “the use of force to defend our way of life,” as well as for the belief that “strong leaders bend rules” and that “sometimes you have to take the law in your own hands,” grows stronger in direct correlation with racial and ethnic hostility.

Trump has repeatedly warned of the potential for political violence. In January he predicted bedlam if the criminal charges filed in federal and state courts against him damaged his presidential campaign:

I think they feel this is the way they’re going to try and win, and that’s not the way it goes. It’ll be bedlam in the country. It’s a very bad thing. It’s a very bad precedent. As we said, it’s the opening of a Pandora’s box.

Before he was indicted in New York, Trump claimed there would be “potential death and destruction” if he was charged.

At an Ohio campaign rally in March, Trump declared, “If I don’t get elected, it’s going to be a blood bath for the whole country.”

In other words, Trump and his allies respond to adversity and what they see as attacks from the left with threats and anger, while a segment of the left often but not always responds to adversity and social inequity with dejection and sorrow.

There are significant consequences for this internalization.

Jamin Halberstadt , a professor of psychology at the University of Otago in New Zealand and a co-author of “ Outgroup Threat and the Emergence of Cohesive Groups : A Cross-Cultural Examination,” argued in his emailed reply to my inquiry that because “a focus on injustice and victimhood is, by definition, disempowering (isn’t that why we talk of ‘survivors’ rather than ‘victims’?), loss of control is not good for self-esteem or happiness.”

But, he pointed out:

this focus, while no doubt a part of the most visible and influential side of progressive ideology, is still just a part. Liberalism is a big construct, and I’m reluctant to reduce it to a focus on social justice issues. Some liberals have this view, but I suspect their influence is outsized because (a) they have the social media megaphone and (b) we are in a climate in which freedom of expression and, in particular, challenges to the worldview you characterize have been curtailed.

Expanding on this line of argument, Halberstadt wrote:

I’m sure some self-described liberals have views that are counterproductive to their own happiness. One sub-ideology associated with liberalism is, as you describe, a sense of victimhood and grievance. But there is more than one way to respond to structural barriers. Within that group of the aggrieved, some probably see systemic problems that cannot be overcome, and that’s naturally demoralizing and depressing. But others see systemic problems as a challenge to overcome.

Taking Halberstadt’s assessment of the effects of grievance and victimhood a step farther, Timothy A. Judge , the chairman of the department of management and human resources at Notre Dame, wrote in a 2009 paper, “ Core Self-Evaluations and Work Success ”:

Core self-evaluations (C.S.E.) is a broad, integrative trait indicated by self-esteem, locus of control, generalized self-efficacy and (low) neuroticism (high emotional stability). Individuals with high levels of C.S.E. perform better on their jobs, are more successful in their careers, are more satisfied with their jobs and lives, report lower levels of stress and conflict, cope more effectively with setbacks and better capitalize on advantages and opportunities.

I asked Judge and other scholars a question: Have liberal pessimists fostered an outlook that spawns unhappiness as its adherents believe they face seemingly insurmountable structural barriers?

Judge replied by email:

I do share the perspective that a focus on status, hierarchies and institutions that reinforce privilege contributes to an external locus of control. And the reason is fairly straightforward. We can only change these things through collective and, often, policy initiatives — which tend to be complex, slow, often conflictual and outside our individual control. On the other hand, if I view “life’s chances” (Virginia Woolf’s term) to be mostly dependent on my own agency, this reflects an internal focus, which will often depend on enacting initiatives largely within my control.

Judge elaborated on his argument:

If our predominant focus in how we view the world is social inequities, status hierarchies, societal unfairness conferred by privilege, then everyone would agree that these things are not easy to fix, which means, in a sense, we must accept some unhappy premises: Life isn’t fair; outcomes are outside my control, often at the hands of bad, powerful actors; social change depends on collective action that may be conflictual; an individual may have limited power to control their own destiny, etc. These are not happy thoughts because they cause me to view the world as inherently unfair, oppressive, conflictual, etc. It may or may not be right, but I would argue that these are in fact viewpoints of how we view the world, and our place in it, that would undermine our happiness.

Last year, George Yancey , a professor of sociology at Baylor University, published “ Identity Politics, Political Ideology, and Well-Being : Is Identity Politics Good for Our Well-Being?”

Yancey argued that recent events “suggest that identity politics may correlate to a decrease in well-being, particularly among young progressives, and offer an explanation tied to internal elements within political progressiveness.”

By focusing on “political progressives, rather than political conservatives,” Yancey wrote, “a nuanced approach to understanding the relationship between political ideology and well-being begins to emerge.”

Identity politics, he continued, focuses “on external institutional forces that one cannot immediately alleviate.” It results in what scholars call the externalization of one’s locus of control, or viewing the inequities of society as a result of powerful if not insurmountable outside forces, including structural racism, patriarchy and capitalism, as opposed to believing that individuals can overcome such obstacles through hard work and collective effort.

As a result, Yancey wrote, “identity politics may be an important mechanism by which progressive political ideology can lead to lower levels of well-being.”

Conversely, Yancey pointed out, “a class-based progressive cognitive emphasis may focus less on the group identity, generating less of a need to rely on emotional narratives and dichotomous thinking and may be less likely to be detrimental to the well-being of a political progressive.”

Yancey tested this theory using data collected in the 2021 Baylor Religion Survey of 1,232 respondents.

“Certain types of political progressive ideology can have contrasting effects on well-being,” Yancey wrote. “It is plausible that identity politics may explain the recent increase well-being gap between conservatives and progressives.”

Oskari Lahtinen , a senior researcher in psychology at the University of Turku in Finland, published a study in March, “ Construction and Validation of a Scale for Assessing Critical Social Justice Attitudes ,” that reinforces Yancey’s argument.

Lahtinen conducted two surveys of a total of 5,878 men and women to determine the share of Finnish citizens who held “critical social justice attitudes” and how those who held such views differed from those who did not.

Critical social justice proponents, on Lahtinen’s scale,

point out varieties of oppression that cause privileged people (e.g., male, white, heterosexual, cisgender) to benefit over marginalized people (e.g., woman, Black, gay, transgender). In critical race theory, some of the core tenets include that (1) white supremacy and racism are omnipresent and colorblind policies are not enough to tackle them, (2) people of color have their own unique standpoint and (3) races are social constructs.

What did Lahtinen find?

The critical social justice propositions encountered

strong rejection from men. Women expressed more than twice as much support for the propositions. In both studies, critical social justice was correlated modestly with depression, anxiety, and (lack of) happiness, but not more so than being on the political left was.

In an email responding to my inquiries about his paper, Lahtinen wrote that one of the key findings in his research was that “there were large differences between genders in critical social justice advocacy: Three out of five women but only one out of seven men expressed support for the critical social justice claims.”

In addition, he pointed out, “there was one variable in the study that closely corresponded to external locus of control: ‘Other people or structures are more responsible for my well-being than I myself am.’”

The correlation between agreement with this statement and unhappiness was among the strongest in the survey:

People on the left endorsed this item (around 2 on a scale of 0 to 4) far more than people on the right (around 0.5). Endorsing the belief was determined by political party preference much more than by gender, for instance.

Such measures as locus of control, self-esteem, a belief in personal agency and optimism all play major roles in daily life.

In a December 2022 paper, “ The Politics of Depression : Diverging Trends in Internalizing Symptoms Among U.S. Adolescents by Political Beliefs,” Catherine Gimbrone , Lisa M. Bates , Seth Prins and Katherine M. Keyes , all at Columbia’s Mailman School of Public Health, noted that “trends in adolescent internalizing symptoms diverged by political beliefs, sex and parental education over time, with female liberal adolescents experiencing the largest increases in depressive symptoms, especially in the context of demographic risk factors, including parental education.”

“These findings,” they added, “indicate a growing mental health disparity between adolescents who identify with certain political beliefs. It is therefore possible that the ideological lenses through which adolescents view the political climate differentially affect their mental well-being.”

Gimbrone and her co-authors based their work on studies of 85,000 teenagers from 2005 to 2018. They found that

while internalizing symptom scores worsened over time for all adolescents, they deteriorated most quickly for female liberal adolescents. Beginning in approximately 2010 and continuing through 2018, female liberal adolescents reported the largest changes in depressive affect, self-esteem, self-derogation and loneliness.

In conclusion, the authors wrote, “socially underprivileged liberals reported the worst internalizing symptom scores over time, likely indicating that the experiences and beliefs that inform a liberal political identity are ultimately less protective against poor mental health than those that inform a conservative political identity.”

From another vantage point, Nick Haslam , a professor of psychology at the University of Melbourne, argued in his 2020 paper “ Harm Inflation: Making Sense of Concept Creep ” that recent years have seen “a rising sensitivity to harm within at least some Western cultures, such that previously innocuous or unremarked phenomena were increasingly identified as harmful and that this rising sensitivity reflected a politically liberal moral agenda.”

As examples, Haslam wrote that the definition of “trauma” has been

progressively broadened to include adverse life events of decreasing severity and those experienced vicariously rather than directly. “Mental disorder” came to include a wider range of conditions, so that new forms of psychopathology were added in each revision of diagnostic manuals and the threshold for diagnosing some existing forms was lowered. “Abuse” extended from physical acts to verbal and emotional slights and incorporated forms of passive neglect in addition to active aggression.

Haslam described this process as concept creep and argued that “some examples of concept creep are surely the work of deliberate actors who might be called expansion entrepreneurs.”

Concept expansion, Haslam wrote, “can be used as a tactic to amplify the perceived seriousness of a movement’s chosen social problem.” In addition, “such expansion can be effective means of enhancing the perceived seriousness of a social problem or threat by increasing the perceived prevalence of both ‘victims’ and ‘perpetrators.’”

Haslam cited studies showing that strong “correlates of holding expansive concepts of harm were compassion-related trait values, left-liberal political attitudes and forms of morality associated with both.” Holding expansive concepts of harm was also “associated with affective and cognitive empathy orientation and most strongly of all with endorsement of harm- and fairness-based morality.” Many of these characteristics are associated with the political left.

“The expansion of harm-related concepts has implications for acceptable self-expression and free speech,” Haslam wrote. “Creeping concepts enlarge the range of expressions judged to be unacceptably harmful, thereby increasing calls for speech restrictions. Expansion of the harm-related concepts of hate and hate speech exemplifies this possibility.”

While much of the commentary on the progressive left has been critical, Haslam takes a more ambivalent position: “Sometimes concept creep is presented in an exclusively negative frame,” he wrote, but that fails to address the “positive implications. To that end, we offer three positive consequences of the phenomenon.”

The first is that expansionary definitions of harm “can be useful in drawing attention to harms previously overlooked. Consider the vertical expansion of abuse to include emotional abuse.”

Second, “concept creep can prevent harmful practices by modifying social norms.” For example, “changing definitions of bullying that include social exclusion and antagonistic acts expressed horizontally rather than only downward in organizational hierarchies may also entrench norms against the commission of destructive behavior.”

And finally:

The expansion of psychology’s negative concepts can motivate interventions aimed at preventing or reducing the harms associated with the newly categorized behaviors. For instance, the conceptual expansion of addiction to include behavioral addictions (e.g., gambling and internet addictions) has prompted a flurry of research into treatment options, which has found that a range of psychosocial treatments can be successfully used to treat gambling, internet and sexual addictions.

Judge suggested an approach to this line of inquiry that he believed might offer a way for liberalism to regain its footing:

I would like to think that there is a version of modern progressivism that accepts many of the premises of the problem and causes of inequality but does so in a way that also celebrates the power of individualism, of consensus and of common cause. I know this is perhaps naïve. But if we give in to cynicism (that consensus can’t be found), that’s self-reinforcing, isn’t it? I think about the progress on how society now views sexual orientation and the success stories. The change was too slow, painful for many, but was there any other way?

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips . And here's our email: [email protected] .

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Thomas B. Edsall has been a contributor to the Times Opinion section since 2011. His column on strategic and demographic trends in American politics appears every Wednesday. He previously covered politics for The Washington Post. @ edsall

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• Undergraduate degree in a Social Science

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Program Director:  Deborah Boehm |  [email protected] Application deadlines: May 1 (Fall) | Nov 1 (Spring) Credits: 12 Program info: Gender, Race and Identity Certificate website | GRI faculty

• Statement of purpose

A Certificate in Geographic Information Systems and Science (GIS) is offered through the Department of Geography. Students obtaining the GIS Certificate will learn the tools, methods, and software necessary to manage and analyze spatial data and information and conduct appropriate analysis. This certificate is recommended for students interested in employment in either the public or private sector as a GIS or Remote Sensing Analyst, Cartographer, Planner, or students interested in pursuing graduate studies in Geography or a related field where use of geospatial science and technologies are included.

• Undergraduate Certificate in Geographic Information Systems and Science (GIS), Course Catalog

Program Contact: Miles Greiner | [email protected] Application deadlines: Fall: Aug 16 | Spring: Jan 11 Credits: 9 Program info: Nuclear Packaging website

• An earned baccalaureate degree in mechanical, materials, nuclear or a closely-related engineering field, or a baccalaureate degree and background in project management related to packaging of nuclear and other radioactive materials.

Associate Dean for graduate programs: Stephanie DeBoor | [email protected] Application deadlines: March 1 (Fall and Summer) | Oct 1 (Spring) Credits: 17 Program info: Nursing Education website

• Must have graduated from a CCNE or NLN accredited MSN program with a 3.0 or better

Associate Dean for graduate programs: Stephanie DeBoor | [email protected] Application deadlines: March 1 (Fall and Summer) Credits: 15 Program info: Pediatric Acute Care Nurse Practitioner

• Successful completion of a Master’s of Science in Nursing from a CCNE or NLN academic institution with a GPA of 3.0 or better
• Current unrestricted/unencumbered licensure as an RN in Nevada and be eligible for licensure in Nevada

Associate Dean for graduate programs: Stephanie DeBoor | [email protected] Application deadlines: March 1 (Fall) Credits: 23-38 Program info: Psychiatric-Mental Health Nurse Practitioner website

• Must have graduated from a CCNE or NLN accredited BSN program with a GPA of 3.0 or better
• APRN Track only: Must have graduated from an accredited MSN program and hold national certification and licensure as an APRN
• Possess an unencumbered RN License and be eligible for licensure in Nevada
• An interview may be required

Epidemiology program director: Nilay Etiler |  [email protected] Application deadlines:   August 1 for Fall admittance and January 1 for Spring admittance Program info: Public Health website | Public Health faculty

Additional program-specific admission requirements

• Statement of purpose (500-word)

Program Contact:  Praveen Kumar Durgampudi|  [email protected] Application deadlines: Rolling Credits: 10 Program info: Public Health Management and Analysis catalog listing | Online public health certificates website

• A bachelor's degree

Program Contact:  Praveen Kumar Durgampudi | [email protected] Application deadlines: Rolling Credits: 10 Program info:   Public Health Management catalog listing | Online public health certificates website

Program Contact: Praveen Kumar Durgampudi |  [email protected] Application deadlines: Rolling Credits: 10 Program info: Public Health Program Development catalog listing | Online public health certificates website

Program Contact: Victor Vasquez | [email protected] Application deadlines: Aug 16 (Fall) | Jan 10 (Spring) Credits: 12 Program info: Renewable Energy website

• Undergraduate degree in engineering, business management, liberal arts or a related field
• Personal Statement

Program Contact: Jennifer Lanterman | [email protected] Application deadlines: March 1 (Fall) | Nov 1 (Spring) Credits: 12 Program info: Social Justice website

• Undergraduate degree

Program Director: Cary Groth  |  [email protected] Application deadlines: June 1 (Fall only) Program info: Sports Management Executive Certificate Website

• Undergraduate degree from an accredited institution (an official copy of the transcripts should be submitted to the Graduate School)
• Recommended Minimum undergraduate GPA of 2.75
• A copy of your current resume
• A letter of recommendation

Request more information about sports management

Program Contact: Edward (Ned) Schoolman | [email protected] Application deadlines: Rolling Credits: 12 Program info: Study of History website

• A Bachelor's degree in a humanities or social science; a bachelor's degree in Education; or Teaching Credential
• Students pursuing the graduate certificate of Studies in History must satisfy all of the graduate school requirements for admission as a Graduate Special
• Read the History department bulletin

Program Contact: Rod Case | [email protected] Application deadlines: Rolling Program info: TESOL website Credits: 15

• An overall undergraduate GPA of 2.75 or better on a 4-point scale
• Letters of recommendation from one professional qualified to judge your aptitude for teaching
• A statement of your personal goals related to TESOL
• Transcripts of previous college work
• Students already admitted to a graduate program at the University must also submit approval for admission to the GC-TESOL from the Chair of their Advisory/Examining Committee in lieu of the letter of recommendation.
• Candidates who graduated from a non-US university and whose native language is not English must have a TOEFL score of at least 550 or 79 on the Internet Based TOEFL
• International students must have a J-1 visa or be concurrently enrolled in another graduate degree program in order to participate in the GC-TESOL

Program Contact: Miles Greiner | [email protected] Application deadlines: Fall: Aug 16 | Spring: Jan 11 Credits: 9 Program info: Transportation Security and Safeguard website

• An earned baccalaureate degree in mechanical, materials, nuclear or a closely-related engineering field, or a baccalaureate degree and background in project management related to packaging of nuclear and other radioactive materials

School of Social Work College of Social Science

New msu study reveals disproportionate incarceration rates of lgbtq+ youth in juvenile justice system.

May 14, 2024 - Brandon Drain

Despite representing only 10.5 percent of the U.S. population, the LGBTQ+ community makes up 28 percent of youth incarcerations in the juvenile justice system, according to researchers.

A recent Michigan State University-led study has found a strong correlation between the high incarceration rates of LGBTQ+ youth, and the myriad of inter-institutional and inter-systemic factors that constitute the forms of structural vulnerabilities they face as a group.

Their study found that queer and trans youth had a 90 percent higher probability of being incarcerated for prostitution and related charges compared to their cisgender and heterosexual counterparts. In addition, queer and trans youth that were detained more than once in the past year had a 500 percent higher probability of being incarcerated for these charges compared to straight and cisgender youth.

For LGBTQ+ youth, this structural vulnerability often stems from their experiences of homelessness, family rejection and child welfare involvement, which intensifies their risk of encountering law enforcement and/or the juvenile justice system compared to their cisgender and heterosexual counterparts. The out-of-home situations many of these youth find themselves in prompts their reliance on alternative means of meeting needs, including survival sex.

Unlike sexual exploitation and sex trafficking, survival sex does not necessarily imply exploitation. It encompasses an exchange of a sexual act for anything of value -- like money, food, clothes, or shelter. The group uses this term as it acknowledges the agency of youth in the decisions to engage in survival sex -- which aligns with a trauma-informed framework.

While in custody in juvenile detention facilities, queer and trans are at a heighten risk of experiencing violence, which often goes unnoticed or unacknowledged by staff. When facilities do respond to the abuse, they often place LGBTQ+ youth in protective isolation -- which exacerbates their experiences of criminalization and social isolation.

The research group suggests that the sparse data in Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity and Expression (SOGIE) in the juvenile justice system has been a detrimental factor in protecting LGBTQ+ youth. “This type of data is not typically collected and given that almost every state/county juvenile legal system has its own set of standard practices, it is difficult to coordinate a uniform means of collecting this kind of data,” said Kynn. “But without SOGIE data, there is no ‘evidence’ to demonstrate the desperate need for practices, services, and supports that are tailored to LGBTQ+ youth.”

In addition to more comprehensive data collection by states, the research team also suggests the need for systemic reform at every level of the criminal legal, child welfare and juvenile justice systems. This is to ensure “LGBTQ+ youths’ protection from discrimination when attempting to access supportive services like housing, interacting with law enforcement, encountering the child welfare system, undergoing court and when incarcerated in juvenile facilities,” said Boyke.

“We hope that our paper demonstrates the need to incorporate structural competency into training and technical assistance, which can illustrate how the current system ignores the needs of these youth while perpetuating myths about the criminality of this population,” said Kynn. “Policies must similarly change to ensure that there is adequate sexual orientation and gender identity data collection to promote accountability and transparency.”