As cases of obesity among children and young people increase throughout the world, a focus has turned on the need to reduce the amount of junk foods available in the market. One way of doing this is to ensure that marketers reduce the amount of junk foods in the market, especially products targeting children in various nations. Another important method adopted by various governments across the world involves prohibiting direct advertisements that attract children’s attention. However, none of these strategies has shown evidence of reducing cases of obesity by a significant margin. On the other hand, global fast food marketers have faced accusations for their contribution to the obesity problem. In fact, reports indicate that more than 1 billion people are overweight with more than 400 million considered obese (Cateora, Philip, Gilly and Graham 425).
Despite the campaigns to reduce the amount of junk foods in the market and discourage people from taking such foods, the trend is increasing. Reports show that the rate of obesity is on the rise. Mcdonald’s, the global marketer of fast foods, has become the major subject of discussion in reference to the rising cases of obesity. The company’s massive and aggressive advertisement, multiple locations in the world and food content have attracted massive debate. In many parts of the world, governments have established measures to control the problem of obesity, but in most cases, McDonald’s seems to be the prime target. Does the company need to change its marketing models, branding, food content and advertisement to fit with the modern health demands?
In Europe, McDonald’s and other companies in the fast food industry face an uphill task in convincing the market to continue taking their food products. While the companies are increasing their presence in almost every city and town, governments, medical and health bodies, as well as other enthusiasts, are increasingly targeting McDonald’s and similar corporations. In Europe, for example, various governments have attempted to ban advertisement of junk food, especially those that target children (Cateora, Philip, Gilly and Graham 427). Others have forced such companies as McDonald’s to reduce the amount of fats in food they sell to children or reduce their advertisements targeting children. In Scandinavian countries, for instance, people are made to perceive the effects of fast foods as equal to the harm of tobacco.
The media in Europe and America is awash with blames targeting McDonald’s and other related companies for their contribution to health problems. For instance, the UK film “Super Size Me” accuses McDonald’s of perpetrating and increasing the incidences of obesity problem in the country. These and other attacks on the company have forced it to initiate strategies to convince the market that its food is healthy. For instance, McDonald’s has initiated different campaigns to advertise new and healthy products, such as low-fat foods and low sugar drinks. In addition, it has initiated campaigns to encourage people to “lead active lives” for avoiding overweight and obesity. In addition, it has reduced the resources used to target children in its ads for junk foods.
Despite this, such efforts have not saved the company from global accusations for increased rates of obesity and related health conditions. For instance, the impact of Prince Williams of the UK when he accused the company of obesity in his Middle East tour is negative to the company. Such accusations may force the company to face growth problems in the future, especially if it fails to develop better strategies to convince the world that it does not contribute to the health problem. Therefore, McDonald’s needs an overhaul of its business strategies to sustain growth.
Cateora, Philip, Mary Gilly and John Graham. International marketing . New York: McGraw-Hill, 2010. Print
IvyPanda. (2020, May 26). McDonald’s Company: Marketing and Obesity. https://ivypanda.com/essays/mcdonalds-company-marketing-and-obesity/
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Young children are the main victims of fast food induced obesity in brazil, the fast food and obesity link: consumption patterns and severity of obesity, the risk to the american fast-food industry of obesity litigation, fast food consumption and its associations with obesity and hypertension among children: results from the baseline data of the childhood obesity study in china mega-cities, worldwide relation between the number of mcdonald's restaurants and the prevalence of obesity, health consequences of obesity in youth: childhood predictors of adult disease., no toy for you the healthy food incentives ordinance: paternalism or consumer protection, changes in the nutritional quality of fast-food items marketed at restaurants, 2010 v. 2013, voluntary kids’ meal beverage standards: are they sufficient to ensure healthier restaurant practices and consumer choices, for personal use. only reproduce with permission from the lancet publishing group. international epidemic of childhood obesity childhood obesity: public-health crisis, common sense cure, related papers.
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Paul-georges reuter.
SAMU 93—UF Recherche-Enseignement-Qualité, Université Paris, Sorbonne Cité, Inserm U942, Hôpital Avicenne, AP-HP, Bobigny, France
Lisa weisslinger, carla de stefano, frédéric adnet, frédéric lapostolle, associated data.
The exhaustive list of all McDonald restaurants in Brazil was obtained from the AggData website ( https://www.aggdata.com/ ). The search terms used were "Brazil" and "McDonald's". I confirm that others can recreate the findings of our study using only data purchased from the AggData website without additional data.
Obesity and overweight strongly contribute to increasing cardiovascular morbidity and mortality, and are becoming a worldwide health issue. The prevalence of obesity has increased dramatically in Latin America. Child obesity is a major issue. Fast food is strongly suspected of contributing to this epidemic of obesity, although there is a lack of evidence.
We studied the correlation between the number of McDonald restaurants and overweight and obesity prevalence by region stratified by gender and age. Data on prevalences were obtained within national studies conducted by the Brazilian Ministry of Health. Three age sub-groups were analyzed: 5 to 9-year-olds, 10 to 19-year-olds and over 19-year-olds.
There was a very strong positive correlation between overweight rates and the number of McDonald restaurants for both males and females between 5 and 9 years old (R 2 respectively = 0.92 and 0.84) and a strong positive correlation for females between 10 and 19 years old (R 2 = 0.68).
There was a very strong positive correlation between obesity rates and the number of McDonald restaurants for males between 5 and 9 years old (R 2 = 0.95). This positive correlation was strong for both males and females between 10 and 19 years old (R 2 respectively = 0.77 and 0.63).
Other correlations were not significant.
A strong correlation between the prevalence of overweight and obesity and the number of McDonald restaurants was found for Brazilian children and was most important within the group of youngest children. These results should be taken into consideration by education and prevention campaigns.
Obesity and overweight strongly contribute to increasing cardiovascular morbidity and mortality, and are becoming a worldwide health issue.[ 1 ] Both the number of countries and the proportion of population affected are continuously increasing. In 2016, over 39% of adults were overweight and over 13% had obesity according to the World Health Organization (WHO).[ 2 ] However, countries and continents aren’t affected equally. Most affected are western countries. In the United States, one third of the population is affected by obesity. In contrast, in Africa, 13% of adults are overweight and 8% have obesity.
The prevalence of obesity has increased dramatically in Latin America. In Brazil, obesity rates increased from 11.6% in 2006 to 17.4% in 2012.[ 3 ] Two populations are particularly affected, women and children.[ 4 , 5 ] Obesity in children is a major issue and is well known to be a predictive factor of adult obesity.[ 6 ] It is responsible for specific diseases such as type 2 diabetes mellitus, hypertension, nonalcoholic fatty liver disease, obstructive sleep apnea, and dyslipidemia.[ 6 ]
Modern ways of life and especially changes in our eating habits, as well as sedentary lifestyles, have largely contributed to increasing obesity. Fast food is strongly suspected of contributing to this epidemic of obesity. We recently reported a strong correlation between a country’s number of McDonald restaurants and overall obesity rates.[ 7 ] Number of McDonald restaurants can be considered a strong indicator of change in local population lifestyles. Children are the main target for these kinds of restaurants. There is no specific evidence of the relation between fast food and childhood obesity.
Due to the crucial issue of child obesity in Brazil, we decided to study the correlation between fast food restaurant presence and obesity–overweight rates in the Brazilian population.
Brazil is geopolitically divided into five macro-regions, each of which has its own economical and sociocultural pattern. These divisions were used as the unit of comparison in our study. The “Pesquisa de Orçamentos Familiares” is a study of nutritional and economical facts of the population that was performed by the Brazilian Ministry of Health ( https://biblioteca.ibge.gov.br/visualizacao/livros/liv50063.pdf ). Their results were presented by age groups of 5 years. The last version (2008–2009) of this document was used as a reference for obesity rates in each region. Obesity and overweight were defined according to World Health Organization references ( http://www.who.int/growthref/who2007_bmi_for_age/en/ ). Obesity was defined as more than two standard deviations over expected weight for patient’s age and overweight as more than one standard deviation over expected weight for patient’s age. These thresholds are equivalent to respectively BMI > 30 and 25kg/m2 in adult.
Results were stratified by gender and age groups. We studied three age sub-groups, 5 to 9-year-olds, 10 to 19-year-olds and over 19-year-olds.
The exhaustive list of all McDonald restaurants in Brazil was obtained from the AggData website ( https://www.aggdata.com/ ). The Brazilian Demographic Census provided the population per region. With these two data, we calculated the ratio of “McDonald restaurants per million inhabitants per region”.
We then studied the correlation between McDonald restaurant presence and population affected by obesity or overweight in each region. For each analysis, we calculated the determination coefficient (i.e. R squared). It was considered very strong when superior to 0.8 and strong when superior to 0.6 [ 8 ] In other cases correlation was considered not significant. We used R software (v3.1.0).
Total population was 199,492,433 inhabitants, ranging from 14,702,592 to 84,046,162 depending on the region. Population of children aged 5 to 9 years old were 16,009,509 (8%), ranging from 7% to 11% depending on the region. The total number of McDonald restaurants in Brazil was 786, ranging from 14 to 528 depending on the region. The number of McDonald restaurants per million inhabitants was 3.9, ranging from 0.8 to 6.3 depending on the region. Details are in Table 1 . Overweight and obesity rates per million inhabitants were at their maximum in the population of over 19 year-olds in both males and females.
Region 1 Norte | Region 2 Nordeste | Region 3 Centro-Oeste | Region 4 Sul | Region 5 Sudeste | Brazil Total | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Population | 16,597,770 | 55,518,744 | 14,702,592 | 28,647,113 | 84,046,162 | 199,492,433 |
Age: 5–9 years | 1,766,485 | 5,015,010 | 1,197,681 | 2,024,212 | 6,006121 | 16,009,509 |
Age: 10–19 years | 3,514,508 | 10,246,989 | 2,588,315 | 4,551,930 | 13,279,118 | 34,180,860 |
Age > 19 years | 10,267,116 | 36,311,611 | 10,291,667 | 20,553,108 | 60,216,558 | 137,640,060 |
McDonald restaurants | 14 | 84 | 49 | 111 | 528 | 786 |
The correlation between overweight and the number of McDonald restaurants was very strong for both males and females between 5 and 9 years old (R 2 respectively = 0.92 and 0.84) ( Fig 1 ). The correlation was strong for females between 10 and 19 years old (R 2 = 0.68) ( Fig 2 ). Other correlations were considered not significant ( Fig 3 ).
The correlation between obesity rates and the number of McDonald restaurants was very strong for males between 5 and 9 years old (R 2 = 0.95) ( Fig 1 ). The correlation was strong for both males and females between 10 and 19 years old (R 2 respectively = 0.77 and 0.63) ( Fig 2 ). Other correlations were considered not significant (Figs (Figs1 1 – 3 ).
A strong or very strong correlation between the prevalence of Brazilian children affected by overweight or obesity and the number of McDonald restaurants was found in many subgroups of gender and age class. The highest correlation—i.e. a very strong correlation—was observed for the youngest children. We also noted that this correlation seemed stronger for males than for females. These results should be taken into consideration by education and prevention campaigns.
The correlation between prevalence of overweight or obesity and the number of McDonald restaurants per region in Brazil that we found was weaker than the correlation that we previously reported on a global scale.[ 7 ] In a worldwide analysis we found a linear, very strong (R 2 = 0,95) correlation between overweight and number of McDonald restaurants. In this last study, the conditions for highlighting such a correlation were favorable as the analysis covered 75% of the world population and especially because, in this large sample, the prevalence of people affected by overweight in the population ranged from 2% (Viet-Nam) to 32% (United States) and the number of McDonald's restaurants per million inhabitants from 0 (Viet-Nam) to 45 (United States). In contrast, in Brazil, the prevalence of population affected by obesity ranged from 3% (females 10 to 19 years in the Norte) to 21% (males 5 to 9 years in the Sudeste) and the number of McDonald restaurants per million inhabitants ranged from 0.8 to 6.3. Although the correlation we found here is less statistically strong, the trends all go in the same direction, whichever age category or gender is considered. The appearance of these curves (Figs (Figs1 1 – 3 ) leaves little room for doubt as to the existence, in Brazil, of a correlation between the number of McDonald restaurants per million inhabitants and the prevalence of overweight and obesity. The proximity of fast food restaurants seems to be a factor associated with overweight and obesity, in adults, as well as in children.[ 7 , 9 ]
The strongest correlations were for boys from 5 to 9 years old (R 2 respectively = 0.93 and 0.95) and for overweight, for girls from 5 to 9 years old (R 2 = 0.84). This observation is crucial for several reasons. It is clear that children who are affected by overweight and especially obesity have an increased risk of being affected by obesity in adulthood. In fact, the risk for a child with obesity of having obesity in adulthood is multiplied, depending on the gender, by 5 to 9.[ 10 ] More generally, childhood obesity is associated with increased medical complications—especially cardiovascular—in adulthood.[ 11 ] Childhood diet determines the tastes and eating habits of the teenager and the adult. This ultimately contributes, directly or indirectly, to developing obesity or an ability to control one’s weight. Finally, because children, and more specifically young children, are a preferred commercial target for McDonald's, the correlation was lower for older children and was missing in children over 19 years. It should be noted that this last sub-group was not exposed to McDonald restaurants in the 1990s.[ 12 ]
This particularly sensitive subject led certain American jurisdictions to only authorize offering a gift with a meal on the condition that the meal conform to certain nutritional values.[ 13 ] Interestingly, a recent study revealed that children will chose the healthiest menu if it comes with a gift.[ 13 ] Various educational tools such as the simple question ‘‘what would Batman eat?” have been suggested.[ 14 ]
Obesity is already identified as a major health issue in Brazil.[ 15 ] In Brazil, contrary to what is observed in Western countries like the United States, the female population is predominantly affected by obesity. This may change. Indeed, the prevalence of obesity in males was significantly higher than that of obesity in females in all regions before the age of 19. The greater the gap between male and female obesity rates, the greater the general obesity rates. Identifying subgroups of population (by age, gender, geographical area) that are most at risk of having overweight or obesity is crucial to optimizing prevention campaigns. The results of this study contribute to this. Taking charge of the '' epidemic '' of overweight and obesity is a very real public health challenge worldwide.[ 16 ] Moreover, the interaction between obesity risk factors in children is complex, as shown by a recent Brazilian study.[ 17 ]
Such results do not mean that McDonald restaurants are the first responsible for obesity. The establishment and attendance of McDonald restaurants are in fact indicators, among others, of a change in lifestyles, and diet is only one of its components. Thus, analysis carried out with other criteria such as the consumption of sodas, time spent watching television or playing video games or, conversely, the practice of sport, would certainly obtain fairly similar results.[ 18 , 19 ] Many behavioral factors interfere with diet and weight.[ 20 ] In Brazil, the amount of McDonald restaurants has grown exponentially over the past 25 years.[ 12 ] The number of televisions and refrigerators in households followed the same trend.[ 12 ] In our study disparities were observed between rural and urban areas.[ 12 ] It is important to note however, that Brazil is already pointing the finger at McDonald’s…[ 21 ]
Our results may suffer some criticism. Our analysis focused exclusively on the McDonald's chain. Other fast-food chains could also play a role in the results of this study, as well as other types of food ignored here. However the latter is unlikely, as the correlation between fast food consumption and childhood obesity has been demonstrated worldwide.[ 22 ] Causes of overweight and obesity remain multiple and complex.[ 23 ] The confounding factors could not be taken into account in this study. Moreover, the validity of our results in other countries cannot be affirmed, although once more, the universality of the correlation has already been demonstrated.[ 7 ] Because this correlation was established in a single country study that only analyzed five regions and had a limited range in number of restaurants and in prevalence of obesity and overweight, it is more likely to support a strong relationship. Analysis in other countries will have to confirm this correlation. The reference values used for overweight and obesity are from 2008–09. The impact of the dated data on our interpretation could only be penalizing as the prevalence of overweight and obesity increases, similarly to an epidemic.
A strong correlation between overweight and obesity rates and the number of McDonald restaurants has been found in the population of Brazilian children. This correlation was at its maximum for the youngest children and for males. Fast-food consumption must be maintained as a main target in the battle against childhood obesity.
All authors have completed the Unified Competing Interest form (available on request from the corresponding author) and declare: no support from any organisation for the submitted work; no financial relationships with any organisations that might have an interest in the submitted work in the previous three years, no other relationships or activities that could appear to have influenced the submitted work.
The authors received no specific funding for this work.
International Journal of Behavioral Nutrition and Physical Activity volume 16 , Article number: 99 ( 2019 ) Cite this article
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The long-term effect of calorie labeling on fast-food purchases is unclear. McDonald’s voluntarily labeled its menus with calories in 2012, providing an opportunity to evaluate this initiative on purchases.
From 2010 to 2014, we collected receipts from and administered questionnaires to 2971 adults, 2164 adolescents, and 447 parents/guardians of school-age children during repeated visits to 82 restaurants, including McDonald’s and five control chains that did not label menus over the study period in four New England cities. In 2018, we analyzed the data by using difference-in-differences analyses to estimate associations of calorie labeling with calories purchased (actual and estimated) and predicted probability of noticing calorie information on menus.
Calorie labeling at McDonald’s was not associated with changes in calories purchased in adults (change = − 19 cal pre- vs. post-labeling at McDonald’s compared to control chains, 95% CI: − 112, 75), adolescents (change = − 49 cal, 95% CI: − 136, 38), or children (change = 13 cal, 95% CI: − 108, 135). Calorie labeling generally increased the predicted probability of noticing calorie information, but did not improve estimation of calories purchased.
Calorie labeling at McDonald’s was not associated with changes in calories purchased in adults, adolescents, or children. Although participants were more likely to notice calories on menus post-labeling, there was no improvement in ability to accurately estimate calories purchased.
In May 2018, restaurant chains with 20 or more locations in the United States were mandated to label their menus with calorie information to comply with the menu labeling provision of the 2010 Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA) [ 1 ]. Policymakers adopted this requirement to increase awareness of the calorie content of prepared food purchased outside the home, especially restaurant food, where calories are underestimated by restaurant patrons [ 2 , 3 , 4 ]. The federal policy also preempted city and state laws requiring calorie labeling, establishing uniform requirements for chain food establishments across the country [ 5 ]. The downstream goal of the law is to enhance diet quality by changing consumer behavior and encouraging food retailers to offer lower calorie items. In part, due to several delays in implementation of the law [ 5 ], many large restaurant chains began voluntarily posting calories on their menus before it was required, including McDonald’s, which began labeling in September 2012.
Despite the popularity of calorie labeling [ 6 ] and the federal requirement, the effectiveness of this policy for reducing calories purchased in restaurants is unclear. Although some previous observational and experimental studies have found that calorie labeling reduces calories purchased [ 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 ], other studies have found no difference, especially those conducted in real-world settings, primarily at fast-food restaurants [ 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 ]. Importantly, many studies that previously examined this association lacked appropriate comparison groups [ 20 ]. Few studies in adolescents and children have had large enough samples to examine this association overall or in subgroups [ 14 , 17 , 21 ].
To address these gaps, we conducted a study to evaluate McDonald’s calorie labeling on customers’ actual and estimated calorie content of purchased foods, compared to customers of five fast-food chains that did not implement labeling over the study period. We examined this separately in adults, adolescents, and children.
We capitalized on a natural experiment to examine calorie purchases before and after voluntary calorie labeling at McDonald’s in 2012 compared to a group of control restaurants: Burger King, Subway, KFC (except for adolescents), Wendy’s, and Dunkin Donuts (only for adolescents). These were chosen as control restaurants because they are similar to McDonald’s in popularity, price point, and types of meals served. Further, all have a wide range of menu offerings in terms of calories, allowing us to detect changes in overall trends in calorie purchases independent of labeling. Other details regarding the process and rationale for restaurant selection have been described previously [ 2 ]. Our study area included Boston and Springfield, Massachusetts; Hartford, Connecticut; and Providence, Rhode Island, four large New England cities with substantial racial and socioeconomic diversity. For adults and children, we randomly selected three McDonald’s, three Burger Kings, two Subways, one KFC, and one Wendy’s in each city in 2010. These restaurant chains were chosen because they had at least two locations in each city and offered dinnertime meals. Restaurants that had closed or whose management refused participation in 2010 were replaced by randomly selecting another restaurant of the same chain in the same city. We revisited the same restaurants every year from 2011 to 2014 except when management refused to participate, in which case we selected the nearest restaurant of the same chain. We sampled adults and children in 48 restaurants, 37 of which were included in both the pre-intervention (i.e. 2010–2012) and post-intervention periods (i.e. 2013–2014). Data collection in 2012 was limited and only done to supplement collection in restaurants that were added in 2011. We collected participant surveys and receipts in the evenings from April to August in each year of data collection.
The restaurant selection procedure was similar for adolescent participants, except we chose restaurant chains with at least two sites within one mile of a high school (three McDonald’s, two Burger Kings, two Subways, two Dunkin Donuts, and one Wendy’s in each city) and enrolled participants in the early afternoon during the school year and at lunchtime over the summer. We believed this sampling strategy would help us recruit adolescents, especially after school when they may be unaccompanied by adults, thereby minimizing the influence of parent and guardian preferences. We excluded restaurants poorly attended by adolescents; this resulted in more exclusions in the pre-intervention period for adolescents ( n = 11) than we had for adults and children ( n = 5). As a result, we visited more restaurants to recruit the adolescent sample than we did for adults and children. Overall, we sampled adolescents from 53 restaurants, 37 of which were included in both the pre- and post-intervention periods. We collected surveys from June to August in each year of data collection; in Boston only, we collected a separate after-school sample from April through June in each year of data collection. This study was approved by the institutional review board of Harvard Pilgrim Health Care.
We invited all adults (≥18 years), adolescents (11–20 years), and parents or legal guardians of children (3–15 years) to participate. While there was an overlap in age eligibility for the groups, we enrolled them at different times of day, making it unlikely that any participants were included in both samples. As described previously [ 2 ], we approached restaurant customers as they entered the restaurant and requested they return the receipt and complete a questionnaire upon exiting in exchange for a $2 incentive. After participants returned their receipt, we administered a questionnaire asking them to identify which items on the receipt were purchased for their personal consumption (or their child’s for the children sample). With the questionnaire, we further assessed details that were not clear from the receipt, such as whether items were shared, the use of sauces/condiments, the addition of cheese, the type of salad dressing, and specific beverage choices. We also asked participants to estimate their meal’s calorie content and assessed participant characteristics. We gathered all information directly from adults and adolescents; for children, all questions were directed to their parent or legal guardian. Although adults and children were enrolled at the same restaurants and times, we did not include parents or legal guardians in the adult sample if their accompanying child was enrolled (we preferentially enrolled children when an adult was accompanying a child). We administered questionnaires in English, but a Spanish language version of the recruitment script was available to facilitate recruitment of Spanish speakers. The overall response rate was approximately 42% for adults (40% pre-intervention and 45% post-intervention), 46% for adolescents (43% pre-intervention and 51% post-intervention), and 44% for children (44% both pre- and post-intervention).
Our primary outcome was total calories purchased for each participant, which was calculated by linking items purchased for participants’ consumption to nutrition information from restaurant websites (collected in July of each year of the study) and summing the total calories purchased for each participant. Estimated total calories purchased was a secondary outcome because we wanted to determine if labeling helped consumers understand the overall calorie content of their meals (even if they did not purchase fewer calories). We also included whether participants noticed calorie information on menus as a secondary outcome. Both of these were assessed on questionnaires.
We measured participant characteristics that we hypothesized might affect response to labeling on questionnaires, including age, sex, race/ethnicity (“White,” “Black,” “Hispanic,” “Asian” and/or “Other”), and self-reported weight and height, which we used to calculate body mass index (BMI). We also asked participants how important price, taste, convenience, and the total number of calories were when deciding which items to order at the restaurant (“not at all”, “a little”, or “a lot”).
We conducted analyses separately in adults, adolescents, and children. We excluded participants whose estimated or actual calorie intake exceeded 5000 cal (< 1% in all samples) and those who had missing data on any of the covariates in our main model ( n = 179 adults [6%], n = 115 adolescents [5%], n = 72 children [14%]).
For our primary analyses examining the association between calorie labeling and calories purchased after labeling in 2012, we fit multivariable generalized estimating equations (GEE) that included indicator variables for group (McDonald’s vs. other) and period (pre- vs. post-labeling), an interaction term between group and period (β interaction ), which estimated the effect of calorie labeling, and covariates whose distributions appeared to change slightly over time differently between groups: age, sex, race/ethnicity, BMI, city, and restaurant chain. In adolescents and children, we adjusted for BMI-for-age-and-sex z-score, calculated from national reference data [ 22 ], instead of BMI. We included these covariates because if the population composition of the two intervention groups changed differently over time, and were related to calorie purchases, this could bias the association between labeling and calorie purchases. To account for correlation between purchases in the same restaurant, we included restaurant location as a random effect. We additionally examined differences in calories purchased between the post- and pre-intervention periods within each intervention group.
In secondary analyses, we examined differences in the predicted probability of underestimating the calorie content of purchased meals, as well as whether participants noticed calorie information on menus. For each analysis, we excluded individuals missing data on the respective outcome (across samples: 7–12% missing calorie underestimation; < 1–2% missing noticing calorie information). We ran multivariable GEEs, adjusting for the same covariates as in our primary analysis, and obtained standardized predicted probabilities of each outcome [ 23 , 24 ] within each group and period. We then found the difference in mean standardized predicted probabilities between the post- and pre-intervention periods for each intervention group, calculated the difference-in-differences, and obtained 95% confidence intervals (CI) from 1000 bootstrapped samples. In sensitivity analyses, we considered underestimation of calories purchased as a continuous measure, rather than a binary measure. We additionally calculated the proportion of customers who reported using calorie labels to make purchasing decisions among those who said they noticed the calorie labels in McDonald’s in the post-labeling period.
One important assumption of difference-in-differences analyses is that the pre-trend values for the outcomes are similar in the intervention and control groups. To test this, we ran the primary models described above with observations from 2010 and 2011 only and evaluated the interactions between intervention group and time (there were too few participants enrolled in 2012 to include in this analysis). We did not detect any significant interactions (P-interaction > 0.20 for all), and therefore had no evidence that the pre-intervention trends in the outcomes differed between intervention and control groups.
We conducted sensitivity analyses where we repeated all primary and secondary analyses additionally adjusting for importance of calories, convenience, price, and taste in participant food choices, as well as whether participants properly estimated recommended daily calorie intake. We also reexamined associations between calorie labeling and calories purchased after excluding McDonald’s customers who did not report seeing calorie labeling after implementation. Lastly, we conducted exploratory subgroup analyses in which we repeated our primary analysis within strata of participant sex (male/female), weight status (obesity/no obesity), and race/ethnicity (Black/Hispanic/White); we could not explore these in purchases made for children due to low sample size.
All statistical analyses were conducted in SAS version 9.4 (Cary, NC). We calculated 2-sided 95% CIs for all statistical tests.
The study population after exclusions (Table 1 ) included 2971 adults (31% McDonald’s customers; mean age, 37.6 years [SD, 15.9]; 43% female), 2164 adolescents (41% McDonald’s customers; mean age, 16.3 years [2.7]; 48% female), and 447 children (41% McDonald’s customers; mean age, 8.2 years [3.1]; 51% female). Most participants were non-White (60 to 84%) across all samples. Among adults, compared to control chains, McDonald’s customers were more likely to be female and Black; school-age children at McDonald’s were also more likely to be Black. Among adolescents, a higher proportion of McDonald’s customers were in Boston compared to the control restaurants due to the additional sample during the school year. The mean calories purchased was 807 (range: 0–4000) for adults, 746 (range: 0–2980) for adolescents, and 694 (range: 90–2170) for children. About half of participants across age groups responded that calories influenced their meal selection to some degree, and most answered that that recommended daily calorie intake was between 1000 and 3000 cal.
In multivariable-adjusted models, the calorie content of meals declined by 80 cal in McDonald’s (95% CI: − 155, − 4) and by 60 cal in control restaurants (95% CI: − 116, − 5) in the post- compared to the pre-intervention period among adults. In difference-in-differences models comparing McDonald’s to control restaurants before vs. after labeling, there was no change in calories purchased associated with calorie labeling (β interaction = − 19 cal, 95% CI: − 112, 75) (Table 2 ). We similarly observed decreases in calories purchased among children in both McDonald’s and control restaurants, but again no change in calories purchased associated with labeling (β interaction = 13 cal, 95% CI: − 108, 135). In adolescents, we observed neither a decline in calories purchased over time nor a change associated with labeling; the β interaction was the largest for this group though (− 49, 95% CI -136, 38). Results were similar when adjusting for additional covariates in sensitivity analyses (Additional file 1 : Table S1) and when restricting the analysis to McDonald’s customers who reported seeing calorie information on menus (Additional file 1 : Table S2).
We did not observe any changes in predicted probability of underestimating calories purchased in either McDonald’s (predicted change = 1, 95% CI: − 6, 8) or control restaurants (predicted change = − 1, 95% CI: − 5, 4) in the post- compared to the pre-intervention period among adults, and, in differences-in-differences models, there was no association of calorie labeling on ability to accurately estimate calories purchased (β interaction = 1, 95% CI: -7, 9). Difference-in-differences were similarly null among adolescent purchases and purchases made for children (Table 3 ). Results with continuous underestimation of calories were consistent with those using the binary measure (Additional file 1 : Table S3). In adults, as expected, calorie labeling was associated with a substantial increase in predicted probability of noticing calorie information on McDonald’s menus compared to control restaurant menus (β interaction = 28, 95% CI: 21, 36). These results were similar among adolescents, but were weaker among parents/guardians of children (β interaction = 13, 95% CI: − 7, 31). Results for both underestimation of calories and noticing of calorie information on menus were similar when adjusting for additional covariates, though we could not run these analyses in children due to small sample sizes (Additional file 1 : Table S4). We found that 28% of adults, 15% of adolescents, and 24% of parents/guardians of children who noticed labels said that they used the label to decide what to purchase. Among all participants in McDonald’s in the post-labeling period, 13% of adults, 6% of adolescents, and 8% of children noticed and used the labels.
When repeating our primary analysis stratified by participant characteristics (Table 4 ), we observed fewer calories purchased by adolescents with obesity in McDonald’s compared to control restaurants (β interaction = − 246 cal, 95% CI: -500, 9). Calorie labeling was also associated with reduced calories purchased by Black (β interaction = − 128 cal, 95% CI: − 237, − 19) and White adolescents (β interaction = − 141 cal, 95% CI: − 291, 10), but not among Hispanics or in either sex. We did not observe associations of calorie labeling by these characteristics in adults.
In this natural experiment of adults, adolescents, and children, we found that McDonald’s voluntary calorie labeling was not associated with large overall changes in calorie content of meals purchased compared to unlabeled fast-food restaurant meals. Exploratory analyses revealed that calorie labeling was associated with fewer calories purchased among adolescents with obesity as well as Black and White adolescents. Although there were no associations of calorie labeling in our primary analyses, adult purchases and purchases made for children in both intervention and control groups had fewer calories over time. Moreover, although there was a substantially higher predicted probability of noticing calorie information in McDonald’s after labeling compared to control restaurants among adults and adolescents, calorie labeling was not associated with improvements in estimation of calories purchased.
Our main results are consistent with most previous studies conducted in fast-food restaurants using a natural experiment design [ 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 20 ], which have generally found that calorie labeling is associated with noticing calorie information but not with calories purchased. Many of these studies sampled participants from the same chains as in the present study, using data collected in cities that had implemented calorie labeling (i.e. New York City, Philadelphia, and Seattle) compared to control cities that had not. Only two of these studies investigated this association in children and adolescents specifically, and both did not observe any differences in calories purchased after labeling [ 14 , 17 ]. Although this suggests limited ability of calorie labeling to reduce calories purchased in fast-food settings, one exception is a study conducted by Bollinger et al., which found a significant 15-cal decrease in Starbucks purchases in New York City after labeling (compared to Starbucks locations in Boston and Philadelphia where labeling was not yet implemented) [ 7 ]. This study used > 100 million restaurant transactions, allowing them to detect very small differences in calories purchased. No other study to date, including the present study, has been large enough to detect such small differences in calories purchased. However, microsimulation studies have shown that even small reductions (e.g. 8–11 cal/day) could prevent hundreds of thousands of cases of obesity and cardiometabolic disease [ 25 , 26 ]. Thus, the lack of an association in the present study and in past small studies can be used only as evidence against a moderate or large effect of labeling on calories purchased. They should not be used to rule out a small but meaningful effect of labeling because these studies have generally not been powered to detect such effects. The statistically non-significant reduction of 49 cal among adolescents dining at McDonald’s compared to other chains, pre vs. post, provides further evidence that a small reduction cannot be ruled out in this study.
Although our study included a greater number of child and adolescent participants than previous studies [ 14 , 17 ], we could not completely separate potential parent and guardian influence over choices. Our sampling of adolescents in the early afternoon in restaurants within one mile of a high school may have increased our chances of enrolling adolescents unaccompanied by adults. However, we did not exclude adolescents who were accompanied by an adult. This is also true for children in our sample, who were all accompanied by an adult. In a study of parent-child dyads by Tandon et al., most parents (~ 70%) reported that the child alone selected the child’s meal [ 17 ], whereas Elbel et al. reported that only 31% of children decided on their own what they ate [ 14 ]. Purchases made for children in our study, therefore, likely represent some combination of child and adult preferences. However, Elbel et al. also reported no association between parental involvement and fast-food calorie consumption; it is unclear whether parent/guardian influence would have an effect on changes in calorie purchases made after labeling.
Although calorie labeling was not associated with calories purchased in our study overall, we observed a decrease in calories purchased among adolescents with obesity and Black and White adolescents in exploratory analyses. Previous studies have found that individuals with overweight or obesity are more likely to notice or use calorie labels than individuals with underweight or normal weight [ 27 , 28 , 29 ]; these studies did not examine calorie purchases specifically. Studies examining calorie label awareness or use by race/ethnicity have been inconsistent, with some finding greater benefits of labeling in White populations and others finding greater benefits in non-White populations [ 29 , 30 , 31 ]. Our exploratory analyses do not clarify this question because they suggest similar reductions in calories purchased in Black and White groups. Because we found no associations of calorie labeling with calories purchased among all adolescents, these analyses suggest that this null association may have been driven by participants in the Hispanic, Asian, and Other race/ethnicity groups (the latter two of which we did not conduct subgroup analyses in due to small sample sizes). To our knowledge, this has not been reported previously, though the finding in Black adolescents may be worth further investigation given the higher risk of chronic disease in Black populations [ 32 , 33 , 34 ]. Given our lack of a priori hypotheses about the subgroups and the relatively small number of adolescents in each, these results may also be due to chance.
Enhancing consumers’ knowledge of the calorie content of restaurant meals is one mechanism through which calorie labeling aims to reduce calories purchased. This is important considering that consumers frequently underestimate calories in restaurant meals [ 14 , 38 , 39 ]. Indeed, in the present study, more than 60% of participants in the pre-labeling period underestimated calories purchased across age groups, with mean underestimated calories ranging from 111 (adults in McDonald’s) to 260 (adolescents in control chains). However, we did not find any differences in estimation of calories purchased after labeling implementation. This may be a sign that calorie labels are an insufficient means of communicating nutrition information, further supported by the fact that fewer than 50% of McDonald’s customers noticed calorie information after labeling. Other studies have observed similar findings [ 15 , 16 , 29 ]. Although this suggests the need for enhanced promotion of calorie labels, a potentially bigger problem is that even among the minority of customers who noticed the labels, few (15–28% depending on age) used them to inform their meal choices. This likely explains why we observed no differences in calories purchased when restricting our sample to McDonald’s customers who reported noticing labels after implementation (though this analysis might have introduced other biases [ 40 ]).
These results together imply that promoting labels or increasing their visibility might not be enough to reduce overall calorie purchases in fast-food settings. More widespread rollout of calorie labeling across the U.S. might increase the salience of this information over time. However, many fast-food consumers may just not find this information helpful; about half of participants responded that calories were “not at all” important in their meal selection. Other types of health communication, such as traffic light labels, may better communicate the importance of energy balance for health [ 41 ], and labels might be more effective in other settings like full-service chain restaurants [ 42 , 43 ] or cafeterias [ 10 , 11 , 44 , 45 ].
The natural experiment design we used, which accounted for secular trends in calorie purchases and included a control group with similar menu offerings and clientele as our intervention group, make our results more robust to unmeasured confounding [ 46 ]. This allowed us to draw more valid inferences. Other strengths include our repeated sampling in the same restaurant locations over a five-year period spanning labeling implementation, and a racially and ethnically diverse population.
There are also several limitations to this study. First, although difference-in-differences analyses are generally robust to unmeasured confounding, it is possible that there were some characteristics that changed between groups over time that we did not measure. This could confound our results if these characteristics are related to calorie intake. However, we measured the major characteristics that we felt were most likely to be confounders and adjusted for these variables even though their distributions seemed to differ only slightly between groups over time. Second, even though this study is, to our knowledge, the largest to date of adolescents and children (and one of the largest of adults), we had low power to detect small differences in calories purchased after labeling implementation. Third, although our results are generalizable to individuals of different racial/ethnic groups, participation rates were < 50% across samples, suggesting we may have enrolled a select population among eligible individuals, such as people with lower incomes (i.e. those more receptive to a $2 incentive) and those who primarily do not use drive-thrus (from whom we did not collect data), where calorie labels may be visualized differently than in restaurants. Our results therefore may not be generalizable to all fast-food consumers in the U.S., though our sampling of participants from top-selling chains may enhance this generalizability. Given some differences in menu offerings of these restaurants in different countries, and differences in the demographic composition and health literacy of their clientele, it is unclear how generalizable these results are to customers outside of the U.S. Fourth, individuals’ purchases may have been influenced by participation in the study. However, we expect that any change in purchases due to participation in this study would be similar in McDonald’s and control restaurants and would not greatly affect our main results. When approaching potential participants (prior to their orders), we provided only minimal information about the study, stating that the study was about “food and drink choices at fast-food restaurants.” Fifth, we only assessed purchased, not consumed food. If calorie labeling is associated with reduced intake, but not purchases, of restaurant meals, our results could be underestimated. Last, labeling may have caused some people to forego dining at McDonald’s, but we were not able to capture this information due to the repeated cross-sectional nature of our study. People who decided not to purchase food from McDonald’s due to labeling might have consumed more or fewer calories for that meal at a different location than at McDonald’s. A previous study in Philadelphia found that individuals did not change their frequency of fast-food visits after labeling [ 15 ], but more information on substitution is needed to understand the effect of labeling on overall diet quality.
In summary, we did not observe large differences in actual or estimated calorie content of meals purchased in McDonald’s restaurants after calorie labeling when compared to control restaurants in adults, adolescents, or children. These findings may be partially explained by the still incomplete recognition of calories, even when labeling is present. However, it is also possible that any true effect of calorie labeling is smaller than we could detect with our sample sizes. Although there were no associations of calorie labeling on purchases, the calories purchased by adults and adolescents declined over time, suggesting this might be a secular trend that is driven by myriad factors, one of which could be labeling or the anticipation of labeling.
The recent nationwide implementation of the calorie labeling law offers future opportunities to investigate these effects in larger studies, particularly in full-service restaurants, where the effect of calorie labeling on diet quality may be stronger [ 42 ]. Because of the now widespread implementation of labeling, chains might offer lower calorie options, decreasing calorie content by default [ 47 ], which should also be examined further. The law additionally requires labeling of prepared foods in supermarkets; no studies have investigated labeling in these settings [ 20 ]. Other areas for future research include evaluation of the effects of calorie labeling on overall diet quality, including nutrient and food group composition of purchases [ 48 ]. Lastly, calorie labeling in the presence of other policies for obesity prevention (e.g. beverage taxes) should be investigated because there may be synergistic effects that have a positive impact on diet.
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The authors would like to thank the participants for their valuable contributions to this study.
This study was supported by a career development award from the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute (grant number K23HL111211, PI: Block), a grant from the Healthy Eating Research program of the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation to JPB, and an unrestricted grant from the McLaughlin Family Foundation. JP is supported by T32HL098048. Funding sources had no role in the study design, data collection and analysis, or writing of the manuscript.
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Department of Epidemiology, Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health, 677 Huntington Avenue, Boston, MA, 02115, USA
Joshua Petimar
Division of Chronic Disease Research Across the Lifecourse, Department of Population Medicine, Harvard Medical School and Harvard Pilgrim Health Care Institute, Boston, MA, USA
Maricelle Ramirez, Sheryl L. Rifas-Shiman, Stephanie Linakis & Jason P. Block
Brigham and Women’s Hospital, Boston, MA, USA
Maricelle Ramirez
Departments of Population Health and Internal Medicine, The University of Texas at Austin Dell Medical School, Austin, TX, USA
Jewel Mullen
Department of Medical Ethics and Health Policy, Perelman School of Medicine, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA, USA
Christina A. Roberto
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JP conducted all analyses and wrote the final manuscript; JPB designed the study; MR, SRS, SL, and JPB aided in collecting and curating the data; MR, SRS, SL, JM, CAR, and JPB helped with interpretation of the data, and all authors read and approved the final version for submission.
Correspondence to Joshua Petimar .
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Additional file 1: table s1..
Multivariable-Adjusted Changes (95% CI) in Calories Purchased by Adults, Adolescents, and Children After Calorie Labeling in McDonald’s Restaurants Compared to Other Fast Food Restaurants After Adjusting for Additional Participant Characteristics. Table S2. Multivariable-Adjusted Changes (95% CI) in Calories Purchased After Calorie Labeling in McDonald’s Restaurants Compared to Other Fast Food Restaurants After Excluding McDonald’s Customers Who Did Not Report Seeing Calories on Menus in the Post Period. Table S3. Multivariable-Adjusted Changes (95% CI) in Underestimation of Calories Purchased (Continuous) by Adults, Adolescents, and Children After Calorie Labeling in McDonald’s Restaurants Compared to Other Fast Food Restaurants. Table S4. Multivariable-Adjusted Percent Changes (95% CI) in Calorie Underestimation and Noticing of Menu Calorie Information by Adults and Adolescents After Calorie Labeling in McDonald’s Restaurants Compared to Other Fast Food Restaurants After Adjusting for Additional Participant Characteristics.
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Petimar, J., Ramirez, M., Rifas-Shiman, S.L. et al. Evaluation of the impact of calorie labeling on McDonald’s restaurant menus: a natural experiment. Int J Behav Nutr Phys Act 16 , 99 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12966-019-0865-7
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DOI : https://doi.org/10.1186/s12966-019-0865-7
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About 50% of the families used fast food to reward their children for visiting the hospital. Surprisingly, 72% of adults reported that they liked eating the fast food. Even though this study was conducted at one fast food location, Dr. Boutelle states, "I don't think the results would have changed in other locations.
noon to 1 pm McDo nald's sold around 320,000 happy. meals, estimated around 5,300 happy meals sold a. minute and 89 per second. Furthermore, assuming an. average price of $3 per happy meal, Mc ...
McDonald's: An In-depth Case Study of a Fast Food & Obesity Lawsuit. Citation Pelman v. McDonald's: An In-depth Case Study of a Fast Food & Obesity Lawsuit. (2005 Third ... link between their consumption of McDonald's products and their obesity, while discounting other potential causes of obesity. Had the plaintiffs pursued this case against ...
CASE 2-7 McDonald's and Obesity that use celebrities to market high-calorie foods. According to USA Today , one study found that the average American child sees 10,000 food ads a year, mostly for high-fat or sugary foods and drinks. Traditionally, in developing countries, the poorest people
Mcdonald's, the global marketer of fast foods, has become the major subject of discussion in reference to the rising cases of obesity. The company's massive and aggressive advertisement, multiple locations in the world and food content have attracted massive debate. In many parts of the world, governments have established measures to ...
CASE 2 7 McDonald's and Obesity that use celebrities to market high-calorie foods. According to USA Today , one study found that the average American child sees 10,000 food ads a year, mostly for high-fat or sugary foods and drinks.
Published by Atlantis Press InternationalB.V. study aims to: a) address how happy meal appeals to children to have fast food; b) discuss whether McDonald's is ethical to implement strategies like the McDonald's Happy Meal; c) provide solutions to McDonald's and other stakeholders to slow down the escalation of childhood obesity. 2.
Short-run plan: Healthy ads, different healthy products, with more fiber and less cholesterol, participating in more social responsible activities like: recycled food sacks, 10 percent of revenues to cure cancer, etc. Long- run plan: Enhance its perceived picture in the minds of people and show them the healthy side of Mcdonald's. Case 2-7 ...
Adolescent obesity has been deemed a prominent public health problem in the 21st century, and the over-consumption of fast food is considered one of the essential causes. In this situation, the Happy Meal strategy put forward by McDonald's has also been accused of luring children to consume those unhealthy fast food.
To use positive lifestyle messages in ads- like emphasizing the importance of physical exercise and a balanced diet- rather than grim health warnings. McDonald's defense is that Mcdonald's Ronnie's Yum chum friends are positively bursting with healthy advice. Tie between Mcdonald's and Disney's line of cartoon characters, a marvel of ...
Examining potential relationship between number of McDonald's locations vs obesity and other socioeconomic factors.
The proximity of fast food restaurants seems to be a factor associated with overweight and obesity, in adults, as well as in children. [ 7, 9] The strongest correlations were for boys from 5 to 9 years old (R 2 respectively = 0.93 and 0.95) and for overweight, for girls from 5 to 9 years old (R 2 = 0.84).
MCDONALDS AND OBESITY 2 McDonalds and Childhood Obesity There has been a surge in childhood obesity, which has many believing it can be contributed directly to fast-food restaurants. The rise in childhood obesity is leading to children developing "non-alcoholic fatty liver disease," which leads to the scarring of the liver. Mostly contributed to a long history of alcohol abuse; medical ...
The long-term effect of calorie labeling on fast-food purchases is unclear. McDonald's voluntarily labeled its menus with calories in 2012, providing an opportunity to evaluate this initiative on purchases. From 2010 to 2014, we collected receipts from and administered questionnaires to 2971 adults, 2164 adolescents, and 447 parents/guardians of school-age children during repeated visits to ...
5) Develop a long-term plan and a short-term plan for McDonald's. For its long-term plan McDonalds should attempt to enhance public perception for a "healthy" side. In order to boost public perception perhaps advocate more social responsible activities such as charities and cancer research. Short term they should focus on healthy ads ...
A. Facts of the Case This case study is mainly about McDonald's that is known as one of the home to the largest successful fast food restaurant in the world. On an average day, more than 60 million people enjoy fast food favourites as one of McDonald's Corporation's 32,000 restaurants, which are located in 117 countries on six countries. But, internationally struggle towards improving ...
View PDF. Facts of the Case This case study is mainly about McDonald's that is known as one of the home to the largest successful fast food restaurant in the world. On an average day, more than 60 million people enjoy fast food favourites as one of McDonald's Corporation's 32,000 restaurants, which are located in 117 countries on six ...
FAST FOOD OBESITY 16. Download Free PDF. View PDF. CASE 2 7 McDonald's and Obesity THE PROBLEM Governments and influential health advocates around the world, spooked that their nations' kids will become as fat as American kids, are cracking down on the marketers they blame for the explosion in childhood obesity.
This case Obesity Concerns, McDonald's Initiatives focus on McDonald's, an epitome of fast food retailing and American culture, was in a soup during 2002 and lurched in losses for the first time ever in its 50-year history. Aggressive store expansions were just one reason, media and public onslaught, over ailments caused by fast food, was the other.
Adolescent obesity has been deemed a prominent public health problem in the 21st century, and the over-consumption of fast food is considered one of the essential causes. In this situation, the Happy Meal strategy put forward by McDonald's has also been accused of luring children to consume those unhealthy fast food. Thereby, this study, based on business...
From the case study, it shows that McDonald's is trying to accommodate and respect its role in obesity. McDonald's is acknowledging the problem and is making changes. They are "promoting ongoing menu changes, the posters feature items such as a salad, a pile of free range eggshells, piece of fruit, and cups of cappuccino" ("McDonald ...
Case-Study_McDonalds_Environment - Free download as PDF File (.pdf), Text File (.txt) or read online for free. The document discusses the global rise in childhood obesity and governments' efforts to curb it. Some key points: 1) Childhood obesity rates have risen dramatically worldwide over recent decades, with over 1 billion overweight adults globally and 155 million overweight children.