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Family Violence

We have several research studies examining the issue of family  violence. Across these studies are several guiding principles for our work:

• To promote women and children living free from violence
• Develop research collaboratively with researchers, clinicians, service providers and the community
• Studies must leave women, children and the community better off
• Processes must support Te Tiriti o Waitangi

Current research studies

Family violence poses a significant health risk for people in Aotearoa New Zealand and has been identified as a priority issue for Māori. Health consequences of family violence occur across the life span. As those who experience violence seek health care more often than individuals who have not experienced abuse, healthcare professionals are well-placed to intervene in family violence before it reaches crisis point.

Dedicated Health System Violence Intervention Programme Evaluation page

Project Atawhai is the culmination of a significant body of knowledge and learning about health system responses to violence within whānau. The whakapapa of this research includes many people, places, events and narratives that have contributed to the pathway forward.

Visit the project website

Tailoring and deploying a web-based safety decision tool for women experiencing domestic violence during COVID-19

Past research studies

Healthy relationships mean healthy whānau and whakapapa. Ano te pai te āhuareka, ā te nohonga tahi o te ira tāne me te ira wāhine.

The 'isafe study' tested an interactive internet based tool for women who live in unsafe and abusive relationships with their intimate partner. The research team evaluated whether the intervention improved women's safety decisions, negative mental health consequences and helped to prevent further abuse.

isafe website

The Women In Safe Environments (WISE) project was launched in February 2006. This three year research project was funded by the Health Research Council (NZ) and sponsored by Interdisciplinary Trauma Research Unit at Auckland University of Technology. The interdisciplinary team of investigators included Associate Professor Jane Koziol-McLain and Drs Janet Fanslow, Emma Davies and Ian Hassall.

The WISE project team joined with women and young persons to explore whether health providers can increase women and children's safety and reduce the negative health effects of violence in the home. Violence in the home is a significant health issue for far too many women in Aotearoa and affects physical, mental, family and spiritual health.

The efficacy of the emergency department brief intimate partner violence screening intervention was tested in a randomised trial. Among the 344 women, 44 (12.8%) reported intimate partner violence during the 3-month follow-up period: 24 of 177 (13.6.%) among women in the usual care group and 20 of 167 (12.0%) among women in the treatment group. Full trial results were published in Annals of Emergency Medicine. 2010;56:413-423.

For more information on family violence visit the New Zealand Family Violence Clearinghouse at  www.nzfvc.org.nz

Other Interdisciplinary Trauma Research Unit projects are outlined on the AUT website:  Master of Health Practice in Violence and Trauma Studies

Wise project team

• Principal Investigator: Jane Koziol-McLain, PhD, RN Associate Professor, School of Nursing, AUT Ph: (09) 921 9760 Email:  [email protected]
• Co- Investigator: Janet Fanslow, PhD Senior Research Fellow, School of Population Health (University of Auckland) Ph: (09) 373 7599 Ext 86907 Email:  [email protected]
• Co- Investigator: Dr Emma Davies Institute of Public Policy (AUT) Ph: (09) 921 9999 Ext 8408] Email:  [email protected]
• Co- Investigator: Dr Ian Hassall, MB, FRACP, DCH. Senior Researcher, Child and Family Programme, Institute of Public Policy (AUT) Ph: (09) 921 9999 Ext 8466 Email:  [email protected]
• Project Manager: Vivien Lovell Email:  [email protected]
• Project Leader (Northland Young Persons): Terry Dobbs Email:  [email protected]
• Project Leader (Auckland): Maria Rameka Email:  [email protected]
• Project Leader (Northland): Susan da Silva Email:  [email protected]

The overall goal of this educational technology project  was to provide an effective teaching resource that enable healthcare  workers in Aotearoa New Zealand to screen and intervene in the case of  intimate partner violence in order to prevent injuries, illness and  death. The new product directly addresses the knowledge and skills that  are essential for healthcare workers in Aotearoa New Zealand to fulfil  their role as partner violence victim advocates in a safe and  confidential manner.

The needs of women who are abused by their partners are multiple and  complex, including economic, legal, psychological and physical health  needs. This complexity includes effects of violence exposure on  children and whanau. Yet few health care providers have been adequately  trained to identify abused women. More often than not telltale signs  and symptoms go unperceived or dismissed and a woman is obliged to  return to an unsafe home. This occurs not only because of misdiagnosed  symptoms, but also because intimate partner violence is still largely  viewed as a personal matter.

Society in general, as well as health care providers, largely regard  intimate partner violence from a wholly subjective perspective and, if  not properly trained, may even blame the women for her misfortune  instead of realizing the complexity of her situation and offering help.  Without education, healthcare workers are likely to provide medical  treatment without ever recognizing the underlying dynamics of family  violence. Working against effective training is the stress and time  constraints induced by the fast paced healthcare environment and  limited resources. To simplify the complexities of training healthcare  workers, the electronic medium may be a cost efficient and effective  means of providing intimate partner violence education.

This project was possible by an educational technology grant from AUT and was completed in 2004. The workforce development framework is an online training programme and available here: http://www.ednurse.org/certificationNZ/index.htm

This New Zealand programme for emergency nurses on screening and intervening in the case of intimate partner violence:  www.ednurse.org

Additional resources

• New Zealand Family Violence Clearinghouse National centre for family and whānau violence research and information
• Keep up to date with Family Violence via New Zealand Family Violence Clearinghouse and learn online here

Working group

• Jane Koziol-McLain, PhD, RN, Associate Professor AUT (Project Leader)
• Lynne Giddings, PhD, RGON, RM, Associate Professor AUT
• Helen Curreen,  MA, Senior Lecturer AUT
• Maria Rameka, BSc, RGON, Principal Lecturer, AUT
• Denise Wilson, MA, RGON, Senior Lecturer, Massey University Wellington

Get in touch

If you have any questions regarding our research or would like to participate, please get in touch with us.

Family Violence: Research and Interventions

A study of family violence interventions and research evaluating their effectiveness, with particular attention to Aotearoa.

Additional information

Subject regulations

• Paper details current as of 31 May 2024 20:01pm
• Indicative fees current as of 2 Jun 2024 01:20am

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Initial insights from groundbreaking research Safer When, Safe How reveals the invisible risks of family violence

Media release 13th March 2024

Women’s Refuge, with generous support from Contact Energy, is partway through a groundbreaking research project – Safer When, Safer How. Never undertaken in New Zealand, the research is examining family violence risk and what really works to make women safer.

Women’s Refuge routinely carries out assessments with women reaching out for assistance to determine their level of risk. Taking a data driven approach, the first phase of Safer When, Safer How analysed 3500 assessments completed over the past year.

Dr Ang Jury ONZM, CEO, Women’s Refuge says the initial results of this analysis were startling.

“We knew that many women who reached out for help were at a critical point, however we were stunned at the high number of women that are at risk of extreme violence or death. We are not talking about minor incidents here but women whose lives are at risk.”

It also found that women reach out to Refuge when the risk to them is highest. Nearly half experienced a worsening of the abuser’s physical violence in the weeks before reaching out to Refuge. Sixty percent saw intensified intimidating behaviour right before accessing Refuge, and nearly 60 percent found that their abusers stepped up the violence each time they put any safety measures in place.

The data provided crucial insight into the many and varied ways that family violence perpetrators use coercion to get what they want. Most go unseen by others, but seriously impact how safe women and children can be, how healthy they can be, and what resources they can have even long after the violence stops.

• One third were told to hurt or kill themselves • One half were stopped from having their own money • 45% were made to hand over all their private messages • One fifth of those physically assaulted lost consciousness from the assault • 72% had most of what they did every day controlled by the perpetrator • 86% were constantly accused of doing something wrong • 26% had their property (e.g walls or windows) damaged

To keep control, their abusers threatened to share information about their:

• Income/benefits: 1/4 • Mental health: 47% • Parenting: 43% • Previous sexual experiences: 20%

These forms of abuse leave an imprint on women’s lives even if they get free from the abuser.

“It leaves women to deal with all these other invisible problems, including money, housing, childcare, and health issues. But because the abuse and coercion is so invisible, everyone else might just see these as unrelated issues or needs. Even more concerningly, they might just be seen as bad choices the victim is making, when really we should be seeing how abuse takes away all her choices.”

“The risk assessment data reveals to us more of what’s in the abuser’s toolbox of control and coercion, and why that disables so many ‘choices’ that victims are assumed to have.”

“Seeing it on a grand scale can feel pretty hopeless, but having a deeper and more nuanced picture of violence and coercion also shows us so many more ways we can combat those impacts on women’s and children’s lives and futures.”

The results of phase one of Safer When, Safer How has implications beyond specialist services.

“We are often asked how you can help someone you know when someone’s abusing them. Anyone supporting a victim can play a really significant role by helping out with the extra burdens that abuse leaves in its wake. You don’t have to be an expert in solving the violence, or even know all the details of the abuse, to help remove some of that burden on her. That can be things like offering your time, help with childcare, financial support, emotional support, a safe place, validation, or taking some of the practical or life admin tasks off her.”

“Family violence can seem like a big, scary, complex problem, and people often want to help those harmed by it but don’t know how. As this research highlights, helping out in practical ways can have an enormous difference by restoring some of the time, energy, emotional capacity, sleep, money, wellbeing, opportunity and credibility that the perpetrator took away – and that counts for a lot in terms of how safe women can be.”

The next phase of the Safer When, Safer How will look further at the ways in which any person in any role, formal or informal, can be part of addressing family violence risks and responding in ways that make a genuine and sustainable difference to women’s and children’s safety.

Editors Notes:

Family Violence Statistics

• On average 50,000 women and children are referred to Women’s Refuge each year. • On average Women’s Refuge answers 71 crisis calls per day. • New Zealand has the highest rates of family violence in the OECD. • 1 in 3 women will experience abuse in their lifetime in Aotearoa. • Nearly half of all homicides and reported violent crimes are related to family violence. • Around 67% of family violence episodes go unreported.

Partnership with Contact Energy In addition to funding this research, since announcing its commitment to help those experiencing family violence in New Zealand, Contact has also:

• Gifted over $400,000 of electricity and broadband to Women’s Refuge’s 70 refuges and safe houses across Aotearoa New Zealand since July 2022. • Enabled Women’s Refuge clients to set up electricity accounts regardless of their credit history. • Added the ‘shielded’ functionality to its website to allow women to access information about how they can get help, without leaving a trail for an abusive partner to see.

More information on Safer When, Safe How

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New Zealand is ranked as the worst developed country in the OECD for family violence. 

In NZ only 33% of family violence is reported. On average police attend a family violence episode every 4 minutes. 67% of family violence episodes remain unreported.

Nearly half of all homicides and reported violent crime are related to family violence

Family harm events have increased 60% over the past 5 years and are predicted to increase by a further 35% by 2025.

New Zealand Family Violence and Economic Harm Statistics

Family violence statistics.

In New Zealand, it is estimated that only 33% of family violence cases are reported. (1)

On average, police attend a family violence episode every four minutes. (1)

67% of family violence episodes still remain unreported. (1)

Nearly half of all homicides and reported violent crimes are related to family violence. (2)

Family violence events have increased 60% over the past five years and are predicted to increase by a further 35% by 2025. (3)

In 2020 and 2021, there were 155,338 family harm incidences which accounted for 16% of all police frontline activity. (1)

Children are present at nearly two-thirds of all family violence incidents police respond to. If this increase continues police anticipate their response to time will almost half – from four minutes to two and a half minutes by 2025. (1)

Below is a breakdown of family violence statistics based on gender, age, ethnicity, disability and employment.

Research suggests that one in three (33%) of New Zealand women have experienced physical or sexual intimate partner violence (IPV) in their lifetime. (4)

When psychological abuse is added (where economic harm sits), it increases to one in two (55%). (4)

One in eight men reported being victims of family violence. (5)

Gay, lesbian and bisexual adults experience intimate partner physical and sexual violence more than twice as often as other New Zealanders. (6)

Compared with other New Zealanders, adolescents between the ages of 15 and 19 have the highest rates of intimate partner violence. (7)

One in three (29%) young people reported being hit or harmed by a partner and up to 60% of high school students are recorded as having been in an emotionally or physically abusive relationship. (7)

21% per cent of women who stayed in the refuge were also under 20 (15- 19 years). (8)

One in ten elderly experience family violence and 70% of those who experience harm are women. (9)

Evidence suggests that psychological abuse is the most common form of elder abuse and financial abuse is next most frequent, accounting for more than 50% of the recorded incidences. (10)

Research suggests that some groups are at higher risks than others of experiencing family violence.

Physical and sexual IPV affects one in two (58%) of Māori women over a lifetime. When other forms of violence are included, this could be as high as 80%. (11)

Physical and sexual IPV affects one in three (34%) of European women over a lifetime and one in three (32%) of Pacific women. (12)

Asian women report a lower lifetime prevalence of one in ten (11.5%), but advocates believe there are lower rates of reporting in Asian Communities. (4)

Disability 

Disabled people experience higher rates of both partner violence and non-partner violence. (13)

Family violence costs NZ employers at least $368 million annually. (14)

Of women who experienced family violence over the period of a year, 19% indicated that the abuse continued at work. (15)

Pick a section

Economic harm statistics

There is limited data in New Zealand relating specifically to economic harm as a form of family violence. 

This is due to it not being well understood and often more invisible than other forms of violence, as it sits within psychological abuse in the Family Violence Act (2018).

Recent research by Associate Professor Janet Fanslow – showed an increase in the lifetime prevalence of controlling behaviours towards women and double the rates of economic abuse from a male partner. From 4.5% in 2003 to 8.9% in 2019. (4)

In partnership with AUT , we are actively looking to undertake a comprehensive national study next year in line with current research to establish the prevalence of economic harm in New Zealand. 

When we look at NZ’s family violence prevalence figures alongside international economic harm research , it is estimated that economic harm would be a significant part of our family violence statistics. This is backed up by anecdotal reports from our own and others’ experience working directly with clients in the family violence sector.

International economic harm research

In Australia, women who experienced IPV, nearly all (99%) of them also experienced economic harm, including financial control and exploitation. (16)  

In the UK, 95% of women who experience domestic abuse also report experiencing economic harm. (17)

In the USA, one in four women experiences family violence. Nearly all those cases include financial abuse. “In 99% of these cases, financial abuse is one of the main reasons victims can’t leave and remain in the abusive relationships.” (18)

In the USA,  up to 99% of family violence victims experience economic harm during an abusive relationship, with finances often being cited as the biggest barrier to leaving an abusive relationship. (19)

• https://www.police.govt.nz/sites/default/files/publications/annual-report-2020-2021.pdf 
• https://www.justice.govt.nz/assets/safer-sooner-report.pdf 
• https://www.stuff.co.nz/national/crime/127027234/family-violence-case-reported-every-four-minutes-predicted-to-worsen
• https://nzfvc.org.nz/news/new-research-finds-changes-rates-intimate-partner-violence-nz
• https://whiteribbon.org.nz/wp-content/uploads/2012/09/fact-sheet-on-gender-and-family-violence.pdf
• https://nzfvc.org.nz/news/new-research-and-reports-about-violence-affecting-lgbttqia-people
• https://www.nzherald.co.nz/nz/nz-family-violence-clearinghouse-study-on-adolescent-relationship-violence-revealed/
• https://nzfvc.org.nz/news/preventing-adolescent-relationship-abuse-new-nzfvc-issues-paper
• https://officeforseniors.govt.nz/our-work/raising-awareness-of-elder-abuse/
• https://www.nzherald.co.nz/nz/twilight-years-can-be-hell-for-the-elderly
• https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/te-manu-korihi/410738/every-day-i-was-beaten-maori-women-three-times-more-likely-to-be-killed-by-partner
• Frequently Asked Questions | New Zealand Family Violence Clearinghouse (nzfvc.org.nz)
• https://nzfvc.org.nz/family-violence-statistics/population-based-research-studies#nzfvs2019
• https://nzfvc.org.nz/news/research-evidences-cost-domestic-violence-employers
• McFerran, L. (2011). Safe at Home, Safe at Work? National Domestic Violence and the Workplace Survey. Australian Domestic and Family Violence Clearinghouse
• https://iwpr.org/iwpr-general/the-economic-cost-of-intimate-partner-violence-sexual-assault-and-stalking/
• https://survivingeconomicabuse.org/what-is-economic-abuse/
• 2018-research-deck-v1.pdf (allstatefoundation.org)
• https://ncadv.org/blog/posts/quick-guide-economic-and-financial-abuse

Related resources

Webinar: Understanding Economic Harm in Aotearoa

Economic Harm

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Community-based domestic violence interventions : a literature review

By Marilize Slabber. Registered Clinical Psychologist. Senior Psychologist, Department of Corrections A useful resource for those working with domestic violence in the community. There are nine key points of interest:

• This literature and research review looked at the status of domestic violence interventions in Canada, United Kingdom, Australia, United States and New Zealand.
• The domestic violence field is dominated by two approaches. The Domestic Abuse Intervention Project Programme (DAIP or the Duluth Programme) or Cognitive behavioural approaches. It is often difficult to make clear distinctions between the two models as many programmes combine elements of both.
• Programmes in key jurisdictions vary across and/or within countries. Some regions have developed culturally suitable programmes.
• The New Zealand Department of Corrections does not have specialised   prison programmes for domestically violent offenders.
• There have been few evaluation studies of domestic violence programmes.
• Overall, the research provides more information on what does not work rather than on effective ways to stop family violence.
• Findings from research on other interventions with general offenders suggest that the most effective interventions are consistent with the principles of risk, needs and responsivity.
• Some groups of domestic violence offenders may have additional needs and/or responsivity issues such as difficulties with motivation, serious mental illness, personality disorders and substance abuse.
• The review noted the weak positive impact on recidivism rates of domestic violence offenders within a risk, needs and responsivity framework.

Find the paper here

POSTED ON: 27 April 2013

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Violence against women

Violence against women and girls is widespread in New Zealand. Women are more likely than men to suffer abuse from a partner, including repeat victimisation, and are more likely to suffer sexual violence. The impacts of violence are serious, long-lasting, and too often fatal. 

The United Nations, in the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women,  defines violence against women as “any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual, or mental harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life.” 

The World Health Organisation conducted a 2018 analysis  of prevalence data from 2000-2018 across 161 countries and areas and found that worldwide nearly one in three, or 30%, of women have been subjected to physical and/or sexual violence by an intimate partner or non-partner sexual violence, or both. 

There are enormous social and economic costs of intimate partner and sexual violence. It has ripple effects right through society, including women experiencing isolation, losing their ability to work, losing wages, being unable to participate in regular activities, and a limited ability to care for themselves and their children.

In the 2014 report, Measuring the Economic Costs of Child Abuse and Intimate Partner Violence to New Zealand ,  family violence was estimated to cost the country between $4.1 and $7 billion each year. 

Women and girls around the world experience a range of different types of violence every day. UN Women have published a comprehensive list of the types of violence  that women and girls experience around the world and have provided resources to support victims.

Below is information on five types of violence that women in Aotearoa New Zealand experience.

Intimate Partner Violence (IPV)

One of the most common forms of violence experienced by women globally is domestic violence,  also called domestic abuse or intimate partner violence, which is when power and control is used over an intimate partner. Offences of IPV and sexual violence are mostly perpetrated by men against women.

The New Zealand Crime and Victims survey,  an annual collection of information on New Zealanders’ experience of crime, found in their most recent report (November 2021 – November 2022) that 24% of New Zealand women have experienced intimate partner violence (IPV) offences during their lifetimes.

Globally, it is estimated that between 38 and 40% of all murders of women are committed by intimate partners.

The number of people experiencing IPV in their lifetime seems to be increasing, as 2021 University of Auckland research  highlighted that controlling behaviour increased between 2003 and 2019 (from 8.2% to 13.4%), and economic abuse doubled in the same time period (from 4.5% to 8.9%).

The lockdown periods and the social and economic impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic compounded the exposure of women to abusive partners. It also aggravated known risk factors, while restricting women’s access to services. Humanitarian emergencies and movement (or the lack of it) can exacerbate existing violence by intimate partners or others, and may contribute to new forms of violence against women.

Sexual violence

Sexual violence is another form of violence against women; this is any sexual act committed against the will of another person, either when this person does not consent or when consent cannot be given because the person is a child, has a mental disability, or is severely intoxicated or unconscious. 

While figures show that there are high numbers of women in New Zealand experiencing violence, the most recent New Zealand Crime and Victims Survey  found that 92% of sexual assault offences went unreported to Police. 

In criminal justice this is called “attrition.” Attrition refers to the rate at which crimes fall out of the justice system in terms of gaps between the number of crimes that are committed, reported, result in charges, and result in convictions.

A 2019 Ministry of Justice study on attrition  found there was 23,739 sexual violence victimisations reported in New Zealand between 2014 and 2018. Of these, only 31% resulted in a perpetrator being charged, and 11% resulted in a conviction. 

Sexual harassment

Everyone has the right to live and work, free from harassment and violence. Sexual harassment involves sexualised forms of unwanted or unwelcome behaviour or conduct. Although anyone may be subject to sexual harassment, it is often based on the abuse of power and reported cases are usually committed against women and perpetrated by men. 

Gender, ethnicity, migration status, disability, age, maternity, family responsibilities, sexual orientation, and gender identity may also affect the ways in which women experience violence and harassment.

Sexual harassment can include conduct such as:

• sexual violence and assault, including rape
• unwelcome requests for sexual favours and dates
• inappropriate comments or jokes
• invasive questions about your personal life
• unwelcome touching 
• leaning over, cornering, following, or stalking 
• unwelcome communications of a sexual nature, including displaying or sharing sexual messages, pictures, and pornographic material.

Workplace sexual harassment can have severe and long-lasting physical, emotional, and economic consequences for victims. The impacts of sexual harassment are not limited to the victims themselves – bystanders and others in the workplace can be adversely affected. 

This type of behaviour in can have a negative impact on victims’ pay, career progression and working conditions, which can exacerbate the gender pay gap, and potentially drive individuals out of the world of work, which adds to the labour force participation gap. 

Organisations should have a code of conduct and policies around appropriate behaviour in the workplace. Worksafe New Zealand has comprehensive advice on how to deal with sexual harassment.

The Human Rights Commission have published a new report, Experiences of Workplace Bullying and Harassment in Aotearoa New Zealand (2022) , which found that 38% of women have experienced sexual harassment in the past five years compared to 23% of men. Young women, bisexual workers, and disabled workers are especially likely to experience sexual harassment. 

Digital harm and violence

An increasing form of violence against women is online or digital violence, which is when an act of violence is committed, assisted, or aggravated using information and communication technology (mobile phones, the Internet, social media, and video games) against a woman because of her gender. 

Netsafe, an independent, non-profit online safety charity, has a range of information on their website on the different types of digital harm and violence that can occur, including:

• online bullying and harassment
• non-consensual sexting (sending of explicit messages or photos without the recipient’s consent)
• image based abuse
• doxxing  (the public release of private or identifying information about the victim).

Following the 2020 national COVID-19 lockdown, Netsafe reported an increase in incidence of digital harm,  with a particular increase in the unwanted sharing of intimate images, and messages encouraging the recipient to harm themselves. 

Netsafe and Manatū Wāhine researched the impacts of digital harm in 2018 . This research revealed that digital harm was a gendered experience, and girls reported personal attacks by their peers as their most harmful online experiences, while boys reported that extreme conversation and “roasting” were most harmful. 

Financial and economic abuse

Another increasing form of abuse against women is financial or economic abuse, which involves making, or attempting to make, a person financially dependent on another person by maintaining total control over financial resources, withholding access to money, and/or forbidding attendance at school or employment.

Economic abuse is a subset of psychological abuse under the Family Violence Act 2018.

2021 research from the University of Auckland  that compared data from face-to-face surveys of New Zealand women conducted in 2003 and 2019 found that the proportion of women who reported economic abuse over their lifetimes increased from 4.5% in the 2003 study to 8.9% in the 2019 study.

Feeling unsafe? These organisations can help you.

If you or someone you know experiences abuse or violence, you have a right to ask for help, and help is available in many places. Services are confidential, and often free. Te Puna Aonui, the joint venture on family violence and sexual violence, provide links and contact information for a range of support services. 

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Children's perceptions of violence: the nature, extent and impact of their experiences

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Janis Carroll-Lind 1 Principal Advisor (Education) Office of the Children's Commissioner Wellington

James Chapman Professor of Educational Psychology and Pro Vice-Chancellor College of Education, Massey University Palmerston North

Juliana Raskauskas Assistant Professor, Department of Child Development California State University Sacramento, California

This paper reports on a study that examined children's perceptions of the prevalence, incidence and impact of violence experienced or witnessed by them, and factors that mitigated and reduced its impact. A national survey was undertaken of New Zealand children aged 9 to 13 years, with a representative sample of 2,077 children from 28 randomly selected schools of various sizes, geographic areas and socio-economic neighbourhoods. A questionnaire was developed for children to report the nature and extent of physical, sexual and emotional violence (including bullying) experienced at home, school and in the community.

To assess the impact of this violence, as well as children's perceptions of school, their coping experiences and the extent to which they used violence in their own interpersonal relationships, analyses of data examined frequencies, bivariate correlations, t-tests and multiple regressions. Results showed a high prevalence of physical, emotional and sexual violence. The study also examined the ethical considerations and philosophy underpinning research that involves children. Guided by Article 12 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, the findings support the controversial ethical decision to adopt a passive consent procedure and demonstrated children's competence to express the ways in which violence has affected them.

Introduction

Perceptions of increased rates of violence worldwide have heightened the need to understand what children think about their experiences as victims or witnesses of violence (Amaya-Jackson et al. 2000, Finkelhor et al. 2005, Garbarino 2001, Ghate 2000, Osofsky 1999, Wolfe et al. 2003). Much has been written about children and violence, but less has been written from the viewpoint of the children themselves (Mason and Falloon 2001). However, there is increasing recognition of the value of research that examines the direct experience and perceptions of children (Christensen and James 2000, Lloyd-Smith and Tarr 2000, Smith et al. 2000). The meanings that children attach to their experiences are not necessarily those shared by adults because their conceptions are informed by the impact these events have on them rather than by legislation or research (Lloyd-Smith and Tarr 2000, Maxwell and Carroll-Lind 1998). As argued by Anderson et al. 1994:

… it is only through trying to understand young people's own views of their experiences as victims and witnesses that we can confront the problem in a way that is meaningful and acceptable to them: that is, in a manner which recognises both the reality of those experiences and the legitimacy of their strategies for dealing with them. (p. 66)

Consideration of children's expressed experiences of violence is consistent with Article 12 of the 1989 United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCROC). Article 12 acknowledges that children are people who have a right to be heard, and it underscores the importance of children having opportunities to express their feelings and views. Therefore, guided by Article 12, this study (Carroll-Lind 2006) aimed to examine children's perceptions of the prevalence, incidence and impact of violence experienced or witnessed by them, and to explore the factors that might mitigate or reduce its impact.

A national survey was undertaken of New Zealand children aged 9 to 13 years, with a representative sample of 2,077 children from 28 randomly selected schools of various sizes, geographic areas and socio-economic neighbourhoods. Using the passive consent procedure 2 facilitated the right of children to report on their experiences of violence. The Ethics Committee carefully weighed and gave credence to the issue of children's rights to protection, and acknowledged and confirmed Article 12 of the UNCROC that grants children the right to speak on matters that concern them. Active consent could have compromised both of these rights. The view was held that protecting the rights of children was more important than parental rights to privacy regarding abuse in the home. As Perry (1997) suggests, violence and abuse are not private issues; they are social issues. The choice of a passive consent procedure proved to be effective in obtaining a high participation rate (93% overall) and enabled children the right to choose for themselves whether or not they wanted to participate.

A questionnaire, Children's Experiences of Violence (CEVQ) was developed for children to report their perceptions of the nature, extent and impact of physical, sexual and emotional violence (including bullying) within the context of their own environments (home, school and the community). The questionnaire was also used to gather data on children's perceptions of their coping experiences, the characteristics of their schools, and the extent to which they used violence in their own interpersonal relationships. Analyses of the data examined frequencies, bivariate correlations, t-tests and multiple regressions. Qualitative data are also included in the form of quotes to describe the children's experiences. The quotes support the quantitative data and help to extend understanding of the violent events experienced by the children.

First, the data were analysed to reveal the number of children who had ever been victimised (prevalence) and the number of violent or traumatic incidents that had happened to them within the last year (incidence). The types of violence experienced by the children are categorised as physical, sexual or emotional (which, if it happened at school, could also be defined as bullying).

Not all 2,077 participants answered every question. It was emphasised to each group of students before they began that they did not have to answer any questions they did not want to. In other cases they did not need to answer each question. For example, if children answered: "No it has never happened to me", then the following questions: How often did it happen?; Who did it?; How bad was it?; were not applicable. So because the numbers of respondents vary for each question, percentages are based on the number of students who answered each particular question.

Examining prevalence extends understanding of how common and widespread children's experiences of violence are and provides an estimate of the extent to which these forms of violence may occur in New Zealand. The participating children were asked whether or not they had either directly or indirectly experienced physical, sexual or emotional violence at some time in their lives. Children were asked whether, within the past year, the violence happened to them and whether they had witnessed violence against others. The latter are events in which the violence was not directed at them, but was directed at others in their presence (e.g. family members, friends, peers, or others within their own communities). The children were also asked about their exposure to violence in the media, such as television, videos and movies.

To determine incidence rates, children who reported experiences of either physical, sexual or emotional violence were asked to indicate in the frequency ("ever happened") columns how many times they had experienced this form of direct or indirect violence within the last year. For example, if they had experienced two events, they wrote "2" in this column. If it had happened to them more than 10 times within the last year, they wrote "L", meaning "lots", in this same column to indicate their high number of experiences involving that particular form of violence.

The data, by their very nature, are skewed because the number of students who reported no direct or indirect involvement varied according to the type of violence (physical, sexual or emotional). For example, many children had not experienced any form of sexual violence. Rather than reporting the measures of central tendency, where the real average of the children who experienced violence will be deflated, the results for all single-response answers are presented as frequencies and valid percentages.

The participating children were asked whether or not they had ever experienced a variety of events that were or might have been harmful to them, and in particular, their experiences of direct and indirect physical, emotional and sexual violence. Their violent experiences were categorised according to: "Who did it?" (that is, whether the violence was committed by an adult or another child); "Where did it happen?" (whether the events occurred at home, school or in the community), and whether the events had "happened since Christmas" (that is, within the last year). The children rated the impact of these events on their lives.

This paper only reports on the children who said they had been exposed to some form of violence. The results showed high prevalence rates of physical, sexual and emotional violence experienced by New Zealand children within their homes, schools and communities.

Physical violence

In the questionnaire, physical violence was defined as "being punched, kicked, beaten or hit, or getting into a physical fight (punch-up)". Sixty-three percent of children reported having directly experienced physical violence at some time in their lives. Two-thirds reported having witnessed physical violence directed at other children, and nearly 90% reported having seen violence in the media. Although less common, still more than a quarter of the children (27%) reported witnessing violence against adults. (A later questionnaire item provided the participants with an opportunity to self-report their experiences as a perpetrator.)

The participants reported a range of direct experiences of physical violence. Some children simply described what happened to them ("I've been punched, grabbed by the throat and hung over a trellis and then thrown on the concrete"; "I have been hit by a steel bar"; "I get hidings all the time and some people hurt me"). When recounting their victimisation, some children identified adults as the perpetrators ("Kicked by somebody I don't know because my dog went on their land"; "My family start to shout at me and beat me more if I don't finish my homework"; "I got into a fight with my Mum and I hit her. Then she hit me with the broom and kicked me out of the house"). Others described being victimised by other children ("A boy that is at [name of school] beats me up on the way home"; "Some kids tease me and do wrestling moves on me and I'm getting scabs and bruises").

These quotes illustrate the nature of the participants' direct experiences of physical violence. The prevalence of direct violence was high, but the rates for witnessing physical violence in the media and against other children were even higher. While witnessing physical violence against adults was the least prevalent form of violence, the nature of that form of violence was severe, as described by a number of children. For example, "I saw people having a fight. Blood on walls and carpet. Screaming and yelling."

Much of the witnessed physical violence against adults involved family members. Indicative comments were: "My Mum and her boyfriend always get in arguments and I've seen heaps of things get smashed", and "I watched my Aunty and my Dad fighting with knives inside at night". The majority of witnessed violence occurred in the children's homes, but some children did describe witnessing family violence elsewhere. For example, "My Dad hurt Mum in town and made her mouth bleed". The following quote reflects how children describe such events from a child's perspective:

"In the Christmas holidays my family went away with our friends, but Dad wasn't allowed to come because Mum had a something order out on him. But on the third day we were there Dad came because he needed to talk to Mum, and Dad and my Dad's friends got in a big fight with me, all my sisters and the rest of the camp watching."

New Zealand's Domestic Violence Act (1995) defines hearing violence as a form of child abuse, and a number of children reported hearing rather than observing the violence that occurred. For example, one child wrote, "I woke up and heard fighting and banging the walls. I thought my Mum's boyfriend was beating her up." Another child said, "When my Mum and Step-Dad broke up they started hitting each other. I was in my room in bed."

The most prevalent form of physical violence was watching violence on television, videos or movies. A prevalence of 90% suggests that most children living in New Zealand have witnessed violence on television, videos or movies. Most children simply described what they had watched: "I have seen someone get killed by a gun on TV", "Watching people on TV who are dying in hospital [from violence]", "Seeing people on TV drinking and being stupid and crashing". Movies specifically depicting family violence were frequently mentioned: "Well I watched 'Once Were Warriors' when Jake Heke had beaten Beth up and gave her a black eye and bruised her face." The children's developmental age was sometimes reflected in their descriptions of the movies: "When the Germans killed Jews in the war on TV. When you say candyman four times, he comes and kills you with a hook."

Children were also asked to report on the incidence of their direct and indirect experiences of physical violence within the past year. Incidence represents the number of times the children reported their experiences of physical violence "since Christmas" by either witnessing or directly experiencing it themselves. The data indicate that the majority of children had been exposed to either a small amount, or a lot of, physical violence, with the most frequent amount of exposure being in the "1 to 2 times" range (except for witnessing media violence). Witnessing physical violence on television, videos or movies was by far the most common form, with 66% of children reporting they had watched physical violence in the media more than 10 times within the past year.

Some children who reported experiences of physical violence also reported experiencing a range of different types of violent events. These events ranged from physical ("I've been hit with metal or any objects my parents pick up. My Dad abused my Mum when I was young") and sexual violence ("When I got beaten up and when I got chased by a man. When my sister got beaten up by my Dad and when my sister got raped"), to potential kidnapping ("Dad coming and trying to kidnap me. Mum and Dad fighting"). These children all described more than one victimisation, but some children reported multiple experiences:

"I have been followed by a man six times. I got taken off my Dad. Dad went to jail for beating my Step-Mum and assaulting her. I got punched by someone in my family. But I am not telling who. And my Mum is having a bad time at the moment at home."

The children knew their perpetrators in all except 3% of cases, involving strangers (e.g. when reporting violence that happened in the community). Most perpetrators were reported to be in the children's home or school environment, but other known adults, perhaps extended family members or family friends, perpetrated 15% of the violence against children. Siblings were the most frequent perpetrators of physical violence against children (29%). However, when "friends", "classmates", "other children" and "siblings" were combined into a single group representing all children, children committed 81% of physical violence against other children. These findings are consistent with the children's responses that 77% of the violence occurred either at home (36%) or school (41%).

Sexual violence

In the questionnaire sexual violence was defined as "having unwanted sexual touching or being asked to do unwanted sexual things". The prevalence of sexual violence was much lower than for either physical or emotional violence. Of the children who answered this question, 192 children (11%) said they had directly experienced sexual violence in some form, 7% reported witnessing sexual violence against adults and 10% reported that they observed other children being asked to perform unwanted sexual activities or having unwanted sexual touching. Most children's experiences of sexual violence were reported as being witnessed on television, videos or movies.

Children's descriptions of sexual violence mainly included reference to their direct victimisation ("My granddad was trying to kiss me but I pushed him away", "Me getting touched down there, being raped"). Sometimes other children were involved ("This man said if we don't run he will rape me. And getting a hiding"). Fewer comments were made about indirect (witnessing) of sexual violence, although one girl wrote: "When I had to watch my best friend made to drop her pants in front of a man and have him smash a beer bottle in her face". These quotes describe serious incidents of sexual abuse. Unlike physical and emotional violence, more adults (41%) were identified as perpetrators of sexual violence against children, with "other known adults" being the largest group of offenders at 19%, followed by strangers (13%) and parents and caregivers (9%).

For the children who directly experienced sexual violence, "once or twice" was the most frequently reported incidence, with 43% reporting a single incident within that year of data collection. A smaller minority (15%) reported experiencing sexual violence on a number of occasions ("lots").

Emotional violence

Emotional violence was defined as being threatened, called names, ganged up on, left out, not spoken to, narked on, gossiped about, and "having tales told about me". First, children were asked whether emotional violence had ever happened to them as well as whether they had witnessed emotional violence against others. The data yielded high rates of prevalence for direct experience as well as for witnessing emotional violence against other children and witnessing emotional violence in the media. In this study, 88% of the participants reported witnessing emotional violence against other children and 80% reported directly experiencing emotional violence themselves. While not so prevalent, almost a quarter of the sample did report witnessing emotional violence against adults.

The participating children expressed a number of comments that support the quantitative data on emotional abuse. Their quotes could be categorised according to the types of emotional violence described in the CEVQ definition. First, children reported being threatened: "A boy is saying he is going to get me and my friends back for telling on him. He has hurt us before." Some of the threats were made by telephone (e.g. "I got a phone call and they said some scary stuff and they knew my name because they asked for me") or followed up by letter ("My friend rang me up and said mean things to me. Then she sent me a horrible letter that said I was a big show off"). Children also reported sexually explicit threats ("A boy threatened to rape me and threatened to kill me"). These quotes demonstrate the serious nature of some of the threats made against children.

Children predominantly described bullying-type incidents perpetrated by other children. Name-calling was a very common occurrence. Indicative comments included: "People tease me because I shake when I am nervous and they call me Shivery Shake"; "In my class there is a boy. He has been calling me names since last year"; "When my friend said I was a chicken by not climbing a tree"; "When I was playing basketball someone said that I suck". There were also instances of racial bullying: "A girl wouldn't let me sit by her because she said you are an Indian. I am an Indian. When I was with my friends and she said I am a piece of dirt."

Other children reported feeling ganged up on ("When I catch the High School bus they repeatedly trip me up because they like to see me hurt and all because I go to a different school"; and "When some boys in my class have been mean to me. They take my things and will not give it back to me"). Most of the comments applied to the school context, although the following quote reflects being ganged up on at home: "My brother's friend shut me in a room and only he was in there".

More often children reported being excluded in the playground (e.g. "Left out when I want to play games", and "Name calling; nobody wants to play with me"). The term relational aggression defines many of the "ganged up on", "left out" and "gossiped about" comments ("When my friends be nice to me one day and the next day they fight me or hurt my feelings"). Some comments were particularly abusive: "Being left out and being told that flies were hanging around me."

The last phrase in the CEVQ definition of emotional violence comprised being gossiped about and the target of rumours. Children described a variety of reasons for why other children gossiped about them: "People get mean to me because my Mum goes out with heaps of men"; "My friends turned against me and are being very mean. They always have something to tease me about - like my teeth, what I look like, my reactions and who I hang around with"; "A girl spread it around the school that I liked a boy when I didn't because she was jealous of me." Less frequently, the emotional violence involved adults. Indicative comments to illustrate this form of emotional violence included: "Dad's girlfriend yells at me and swears at me when Dad isn't around for no reason", and "People said I would be traded for a dog".

An important finding is the high number of children (n = 608) who said they had experienced emotional violence more than 10 times in the last year, compared to the next highest number of children (n = 204) who said they had experienced emotional violence only once. Even when the numbers are combined to indicate children experiencing emotional violence once or twice within the last year (n = 402), more children experienced "lots" of emotional violence rather than one or two incidents. Recurrent episodes of emotional violence also occurred with children's reporting of witnessing emotional violence, whether it was watching it happen to children, adults or in the media. More children reported witnessing over 10 incidents of emotional violence, with the next highest frequency being watching it happen just once. For example, 60% reported watching emotional media violence "lots", compared to 21% who said they only watched it once or twice. Similarly, 45% of children reported witnessing emotional violence against other children more than 10 times within the last year, compared to 31% who witnessed this happen once or twice. When children described their own direct experiences, they reported that the majority (86%) of emotional violence was perpetrated by children (40% by friends and classmates, 31% by other children and 15% by their siblings).

Impact of violence on children

Children who experienced violent events were asked to rate the impact of those violent experiences. For all forms of violence (physical, sexual and emotional) a 1 to 5 Likert-type scale was used to measure the impact, with 1 indicating little or no impact and 5 indicating the highest level of impact. It is likely that children are affected by their experiences differently, and so are likely to rate the impact of similar events differently. To explore the impact of physical, sexual and emotional violence on children, t-tests determined whether there were significant differences between the means of the impact variables ("happened to me", "watched happening to other children", "watched happening to adults" and "watched on TV, videos, or movies"). Similarly, t-tests were the most appropriate statistical test for comparing the impact of the different forms of violence.

All types of witnessing physical violence (against children, against adults and in the media) had more impact on children than their own direct experience of violence. Witnessing physical violence against adults and in the media both had more impact on children than witnessing physical violence against other children. Witnessing violence against adults, however, had more impact than witnessing physical violence in the media. The summary of the physical violence t-tests indicates that physical violence involving adults had the most impact on children. Most described the impact of family violence: "I have watched my Mum and Dad fight and I have been scared that they might break up and it is very frightening for me and my sisters"; "When my aunty's boyfriend beats her it makes me afraid if I am watching"; "People screaming. I was scared when my Mum and her girlfriend were fighting and her girlfriend was hitting my Mum."

While most reported feeling afraid, some children described how violent behaviour affected them in other ways, such as not being able to sleep or to get the incident out of their minds. For example:

"When my Mum and Dad had a fight and my Dad wouldn't stop beating my Mum up and I can't stop thinking about it, but they don't do that any more and when my Dad yells at my brother and the way he speaks."

Sometimes witnessing violence that involved the adults they love most posed a dilemma for children, as in the case of the child who said, "I've been scared when my Mum and Dad fight because I don't know who to go to."

Similarly to physical violence, witnessing emotional violence in the media and against adults had more impact on children than direct exposure to emotional violence. While witnessing emotional violence against adults and in the media also had more impact than witnessing it against children, witnessing emotional violence against adults had more impact than watching it in the media.

Sexual violence elicited some different results. Children reported their direct experiences of sexual violence as having more impact (in contrast to physical and emotional violence). Real-life sexual violence had more impact on children than watching it in the media. When comparing the different types of violence, the results indicate that while emotional violence was related to higher impact on children than physical violence, sexual violence had the most impact of all three forms of violence. Often disclosure about sexual violence involved the breaking up of the family unit. One girl wrote:

"I have been sexually abused and just had it sorted out and I had to move away from all my friends and family. My brothers always hurt me by calling me names about my weight and size."

Another said, "My Dad went to jail for raping me."

All types of violence involving adults were rated higher in terms of impact than violence involving children. When adults were involved in the event, it not only had more impact on the child but also affected their coping strategies and decisions about disclosure. In most measures of impact, witnessing violence had more effect on children than direct exposure to violence. In all cases, witnessing the different forms of violence against adults had the most impact. Except for sexual violence, even watching violence on television, videos or movies had a greater impact than direct exposure to physical and emotional violence.

The regressions predicted different relationships, depending on the type of violence being analysed. More occurrences of physical and emotional violence increased its impact, but this was not significant in relation to the impact of sexual violence. Physical and emotional violence had more impact on younger children, whereas age was not a predictor for sexual violence. With the coping variables, the only significant predictor was that thinking they might have stopped it or made a difference increased the impact of physical violence. Slight relationships were found between the witnessing of violence and children's self-reporting of their own antisocial behaviour.

Contrary to expectation, the regressions found no relationships between children's experiences of physical, sexual or emotional violence and the decile rating of their school. This is an important finding because it indicates that school factors other than socio-economic ones can interact with children's experiences to reduce the impact of violence on children.

Comparison of the three types of violence revealed emotional violence to be the most prevalent form of both direct and indirect violence. Witnessing violence was more prevalent than direct violence, and a key finding was that, with the exception of sexual victimisation, witnessing violence against others was perceived by children to have more impact than violence directed at them. Even witnessing violence in the media was found to have a negative effect on children.

The reasons that children rated the impact of witnessing violence against others as greater than the impact of their own victimisation are difficult to explain. It is possible that children who had never experienced violence themselves were more upset when they witnessed violent events (even on television) and consequently rated it highly for its impact on them. Just as plausible, however, is the explanation that children rated very highly the impact of witnessing violence against someone they love. Thirdly, it is possible that violence witnessed against adults may had had a higher impact because this violence would have been exclusively perpetrated by adults, whereas the violence experienced by children was overwhelmingly perpetrated by other children. Thus the power of adult violence, in comparison to that wielded by children, may have strongly influenced the higher impact ratings.

The finding that witnessing media violence had more impact than witnessing violence against other children was contrary to expectations. It was thought "real life" violence would be considered more serious, in the same way that children perceived the impact of witnessing violence against adults. However, some children described their turmoil of feeling powerless to intervene when witnessing bullying, perhaps for fear of the bullies turning on them. As stated by this boy, "My friend got body slammed before my eyes and I was too weak to help him get up."

Apart from the small percentage of children who reported emotional violence perpetrated by adults (with indicative comments such as "Mum said she didn't love me. I was sad"; and "Mum has been quite a witch, spelt with a B, and started screaming at me. I've tried suicide two times because of her"), the majority of the emotional victimisation could be described as bullying perpetrated by other children. Witnessing relational aggression among their social peer groups was a common form of bullying among these participants. Perhaps the level of impact was high because children were worried it would happen to them next time. Although witnessing emotional violence or bullying had more impact on children than direct experiences of bullying, many children also rated the impact of their own victimisation as high. For example:

"My friend said I was going to get a bash from a fifth former in College. It has been going on for ages but I'm still afraid. It's stopped now but still I'm scared."

The impact of emotional violence was increased if it happened at school and underscores the effect that school bullying has on children. This finding has important implications for teachers and schools, who have a legal responsibility to provide a safe learning environment, particularly when the impact of witnessing emotional violence was found to be associated with children's perceptions of their school in relation to bullying and school safety.

Of the three types of violence, sexual violence was the least prevalent type experienced by children but stood out for being rated decisively higher on its impact. Incidence rates revealed a bimodal distribution, in that most children had either experienced a one-off event or many violent events (i.e. happening more than 10 times within the year of data collection. This finding raised the possibility that for some children the abuse was ongoing at the time of data collection and perpetrated by people they knew.

Implications for policy and practice

This study identified a number of implications for children and their families, schools and policy. These implications guide the following recommendations. First, violence in society has many sources and requires systematic attention at many levels to reduce its prevalence and incidence. Media violence is the most prevalent form of violence in children's lives. However, it is also the easiest to address and perhaps the main type of violence that can be prevented. Therefore the implications arising from this study are that parents should monitor what their children watch in the media, and policy makers should examine the types of programmes accessible to children. This conclusion stems from the finding that witnessing violence was a common experience of children, and one that was reported to have a significant impact.

The participating children reported high rates of both direct and indirect violence. Children should feel safe in their homes, in their communities and in their schools. Emotional violence was the most prevalent form of both direct and indirect violence. For many children in New Zealand, the conclusion can also be drawn that bullying is part of their childhood. This form of emotional violence was found to have a negative impact on their lives. Children rated the impact of emotional violence higher than that of physical violence, which suggests that the negative effect of emotional or psychological abuse has implications for schools in relation to bullying.

The study found that all violence involving adults had the greatest impact. This finding serves as a salutary reminder that children should not be placed in situations where they witness arguments and fights between adults. Witnessing violence involving adults also has more impact on children than violence directed at them. This finding highlights, in particular, the adverse effect of family violence.

Policies and programmes that could safeguard children are often based on statistical data that imply a particular need or reason to be concerned about the safety of children. But the number of children involved in family and domestic violence is masked, because it is seldom recorded statistically and, if reported, is usually only recorded in terms of broader family incidences. More accurate data (based on the findings of this study) that reflect the prevalence of children affected by violence could mean that positive government policies and programmes would be implemented to reduce children's experiences of violence. This study addresses these issues of prevalence and incidence of violence against children and provides a valid base from which parents, schools, communities, and professional and government agencies can work together to raise awareness of the impact of violence on children and make decisions about ways to protect them.

The level of children's exposure to violence in this country is relatively high. While the study revealed high prevalence and incidence rates, contextual factors often associated with violence were found to be of minimal practical importance in this study. The study revealed, however, that some of the participating children who experienced violence did not feel they had been well supported by adults. Children who were sexually victimised often chose not to disclose this. Friends were found to be the first line of support for children who did disclose their victimisation. Schools may therefore need to include a more formalised arrangement of peer support. By providing an empathetic and supportive environment, children may be more likely to seek support from adults instead of mainly confiding in their friends.

There is an immediate need for teachers and schools to confront the pervasive issue of bullying in New Zealand schools. Anti-bullying efforts will also be important for providing safe learning environments. Furthermore, as likely witnesses of bullying, peers should be taught to voice their disapproval and intervene. Findings indicate that negative peer interactions can worsen the impact of bullying, so children must be taught to respond appropriately. Schools may be able to intervene effectively to reduce violence if they acknowledge the problem and adopt school-wide philosophies.

While these suggestions make a difference in the lives of children, the study does not provide all of the answers to reducing and mitigating the effects of violence. There are no simple solutions because multi-faceted solutions are required. Government legislative change concerning the use of physical discipline of children, reductions in the portrayal of media violence, providing safe schools with supportive cultures, adult and child education programmes as well as all the other recommendations are not in and of themselves enough to significantly reduce violence against children. Nor can schools and the people who care for children be responsible for all of the ills of society. The challenge now is for the findings of this research study to inform the decision-making of policy makers, which is not easy with research involving children. Children have a different perspective and experience life differently from adults. This difference does not negate the validity of their perspectives and experiences, but as Jamison and Gilbert (2000) stated:

The problem for policy makers is how to understand and give recognition to children's experience of life - including family, school, and other aspects of public life that have an impact on them. This requires a commitment to involving children, learning about ways to involve them, and recognising both real and perceived barriers to their active participation in policy and decision-making processes. (p. 185)

The findings indicate a need to examine the complex interactions of variables that may buffer or exacerbate the negative effects of victimisation, and the literature highlights a variety of protective factors.

This study gained valuable insight into children's experiences through procedures that encapsulate children's perspectives about the nature and extent of violent events in their lives. The results acknowledge and support the controversial ethical decision to adopt a passive consent procedure and demonstrate the children's competence to understand the research requirements and their ability to express the ways in which violence has affected their lives. Sanctioned by the University Ethics Committee, the passive consent procedure employed in this study allowed more children to report their experiences of violence, and this procedure is recommended for future studies involving children. Valuing children's perspectives and recognising that they hold the most valid perception of their experiences as recipients and witnesses of violence may mean that adults are able to confront the problem in a way that is meaningful and acceptable to the children who have experienced violence.

The level of children's exposure to violence in this country is relatively high, and New Zealand appears to be a more violent country for children than was previously realised. The perceptions of the children in this study were that their experiences had a notable impact on their wellbeing. Furthermore, observation of violent events was rated as having a more powerful impact on children than their own victimisation. For many children the conclusion can be drawn that bullying is part of their childhood. Reporting the effects of their violent experiences highlighted the special vulnerability of children. Adults must assume responsibility to reduce our children's exposure to violence because New Zealand cannot afford the devastating effects of failing to protect its children.

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Maxwell, G. and J. Carroll-Lind (1998) "Distorted childhoods: The meaning of violence for children" Social Policy Journal of New Zealand, 10:177-189.

Osofsky, J.D. (1999) "The impact of violence on children" Domestic Violence and Children, 9(3):33-49.

Perry, B.D. (1997) "Incubated in terror: Neurodevelopmental factors in the 'cycle of violence'" in J.D. Osofsky (ed.), Children in a Violent Society , Guilford Press, New York.

Smith, A.B., N.J. Taylor and M.M. Gollop (eds.) (2000) Children's Voices: Research, Policy and Practice , Pearson Education New Zealand, Auckland.

United Nations (1989) The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child , United Nations, Geneva

Wolfe, D.A., C.V. Crooks, V. Lee, A. McIntyre-Smith and P.G. Jaffe (2003) "The effects of children's exposure to domestic violence: A meta-analysis and critique" Clinical Child and Family Psychology Review , 6(3):171-187.

1 Correspondence Dr Janis Carroll-Lind, Office of the Children's Commissioner, PO Box 5610, Lambton Quay, Wellington 6145, New Zealand, DDI: 04 470 8718, email: [email protected]

2 Passive consent requires only that parents who do not give their permission for their child to participate sign and return the consent form. Parents who do not return the form are deemed to have given consent.

Social Policy Journal of New Zealand: Issue 37

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What Even is Domestic Violence? Beyond the Bruises

Imagine a world where acts of kindness shock us more than acts of violence. In the age of media saturation, society's desensitization to violence poses a silent threat, especially within the sphere of domestic life. It’s time to peel back the layers on what we think we know about domestic violence and reveal its complex reality.

Domestic violence goes beyond visible bruises; it is a pervasive attempt to exert control, manifesting as mental, physical, economic, or sexual abuse. Far from a one-off incident, it is a sinister crescendo, with each act intensifying in frequency and severity. The bruises may fade, but the psychological chains can bind for a lifetime.

Consider this: a partner isolated from friends under the guise of love, or financial resources withheld as a form of imprisonment. These are not scenes from a thriller, but everyday realities for some. The violence of silence and manipulation is as damaging as a physical wound. In the digital realm, abuse extends to online harassment, coercive control through technology, and exploitation that knows no boundaries, even infiltrating the seemingly safe havens of family court systems.

The dramatizations in movies pale in comparison to the insidious nature of real-life domestic abuse. The covert tactics—gaslighting, emotional blackmail, and relentless criticism—are the chameleons in our midst, often invisible until the pattern emerges from the shadows.

In the nurturing grounds of a healthy relationship, power dynamics give way to partnership. Autonomy is not a battleground but a mutual respect where decisions are shared, voices are valued, and freedom is foundational.

As we navigate our relationships, let’s recalibrate our sensors to detect the undetectable, to recognize that strength is not in dominance, but in equality. For those entangled in the web of abuse, know that support networks are ready to untangle the knots, and the first step towards healing is recognizing the signs.

Domestic violence is a complex beast, not defined by its visibility but by its ability to control. It’s time to redefine our understanding of abuse and reaffirm our commitment to healthy relationships for all.

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New laws in WA would take guns away from people accused of domestic violence. Will they protect women?

Principal Research Fellow, Griffith University

Disclosure statement

Dr Samara McPhedran does not does not work for, consult to, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that might benefit from this article. She has been appointed to a number of firearms advisory panels and committees, most recently as a member of the Queensland Ministerial Advisory Panel on Firearms, and as a previous member of the Commonwealth Firearms Advisory Council. She does not receive any financial remuneration or other reward for these activities. She has held past memberships with/volunteered for a range of not-for-profit firearm-related organisations, women's advocacy groups, and victim support charities. She is not, and has never been, a member of any political party. The views expressed are those of the author alone.

Griffith University provides funding as a member of The Conversation AU.

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After last week’s tragic double murder suicide in the Perth suburb of Floreat, questions have been raised about why police did not remove the killer’s legally owned firearms. Allegedly, his daughter alerted police multiple times that she and her mother believed they were at imminent risk of harm, but no action was taken.

Under current firearms laws, Western Australia’s police have very broad powers to seize firearms if they believe there is a risk of harm being suffered by any person. We do not know why those powers were not used.

However, the WA government has announced it is going to change the law to make it mandatory for police to remove firearms from anyone who is the subject of a domestic violence complaint.

Will this really protect domestic violence victims, or is it just a political ploy to deflect attention from how police respond to domestic violence incidents in the state?

How do police assess risk in domestic violence cases?

There are many different ways for police to deal with domestic violence incidents. This includes, for example, issuing a protection order, taking a perpetrator into custody, or referring the victim to other services.

Risk-assessment processes help police decide what type of response is most appropriate . Generally, when police conduct risk assessments they use a combination of interviews with the victim (and sometimes the perpetrator), professional judgement, and structured “tick box” tools.

These tools consider indicators such as whether:

• the victim is fearful
• the perpetrator has ever threatened to kill them
• the perpetrator has ever physically assaulted them
• the perpetrator has ever threatened them with a weapon of any kind.

Whether the perpetrator has access to firearms is included as part of the risk assessment.

Risk assessment is imperfect and not always able to detect “subtle” or “hidden” forms of abuse. How accurate risk assessment is also depends on things like the experience of the police officer and what information is disclosed to them.

How police respond to domestic violence can also be affected by their perceptions of the victim and/or perpetrator , as well as by their own beliefs and knowledge about domestic violence.

Is domestic abuse with firearms common?

Homicide statistics are held by different agencies and it is difficult to get exact breakdowns of method by homicide type.

According to the most recent figures from the Australian government’s National Homicide Monitoring Program , in 2022–23, there were 75 female homicide victims nationally. Of those, eight were killed by a gunshot wound.

We do not know how many of those firearm deaths were domestic and family violence related, but a different source, the Australian Bureau of Statistics , says in 2022 (the most recent data) there were 71 female domestic and family violence related homicide victims nationwide, none of whom were killed with a firearm.

Australian Bureau of Statistics data also shows Western Australia has very few domestic and family violence related homicide deaths involving firearms.

Will mandatory gun removal make a practical difference?

It is hard to say whether mandatory firearm removal will make a difference to domestic and family violence homicides. On the surface, it looks like it should, but domestic violence is complex.

WA has so few firearm-related domestic and family violence fatalities that it is unlikely we will ever be able to determine whether anything has changed. We also do not know how many homicides may occur in cases where firearms have been removed using existing police powers, but where another method was used.

Moving past the numbers, there is a concern the proposed laws may create a false sense of security for victims, as well as lead to police complacency. Just because guns have been removed does not mean a victim is safe.

What should the next steps be?

Sadly, we see many cases where victims of lethal domestic and family violence tried repeatedly to get help in the lead up to their deaths. Too often, the systems that are meant to protect them did not listen and did not hold the perpetrator accountable.

Lawyers, advocates and families in WA are coming forward and saying things need to change . Yet the government has been silent on how it plans to better protect domestic and family violence victims where there is no firearm present.

In Queensland, after a series of high-profile domestic and family violence related deaths, the government convened an independent commission of inquiry into Queensland police service responses to domestic and family violence . That inquiry revealed a need for better risk assessment practices, improved police training and education, and system-wide reforms so that victims are taken seriously.

If the WA government genuinely wants to protect people from domestic and family violence, it must stop trying to sweep difficult questions under the rug. The reality is that headline-grabbing laws cannot fix systemic problems.

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NRL star Taylan May pleads not guilty to domestic violence charges, will not play until case is finalised

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Taylan May of the Panthers will not take the field for the rest of the season as he fights domestic violence charges. Photo / Getty Images

Penrith Panthers star Taylan May will fight domestic-violence allegations that he punched his wife in the face and later stalked her.

The 22-year-old NRL centre pleaded not guilty to three domestic violence-related charges when he appeared in court for the first time on Tuesday.

May was charged with assault occasioning actual bodily harm and two counts of stalking or intimidating another person with the intention of causing them to fear physical or mental harm.

He allegedly assaulted Jessica May by punching her in the face during an altercation on the night of April 8.

May was arrested more than a month later after allegedly stalking or intimidating her during the night.

The rising rugby league star was granted bail before his initial appearance at Penrith Local Court, where he sat clutching rosary beads as he watched lawyer Abdul Reslan stand in his defence.

May said “no comment” to reporters waiting outside court after he formally entered a not-guilty plea to the charges.

He was stood down indefinitely by the NRL on May 23 under the game’s no-fault stand-down policy, which excludes him from playing until his court case is finalised.

May could continue to receive full pay for the duration of the court proceedings under the policy’s rules.

He recently signed a two-year extension at Penrith Panthers worth close to $1.5 million, a deal that hangs in the balance with the pending case.

Following May’s arrest, the Panthers said in a statement that the club would “continue to provide support to all parties involved”.

The Penrith player debuted in August 2021 after progressing through the club’s junior pathways, including playing for club the local Minchinbury Jets.

May missed the 2023 NRL season after sustaining an ACL injury while playing against UK club St Helens at the World Club Challenge.

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A new model for science funding

29 May 2024

Science and technology , Auckland Bioengineering Institute , Faculty of Medical and Health Sciences

Opinion: The Government is looking for a new model of science funding, so along with a small group of senior scientists and engineers we've come up with some recommendations.

New Zealand science is at a crunch point. The coalition Government is looking for a new model to provide increased efficiency and effectiveness. Over the last few weeks, we have been part of a small group of senior scientists and engineers who got together to think about what this change might look like, and we have just submitted our recommendations to the Science System Advisory Group. Here are some of our thoughts.

Research matters

Research funding should not be seen as a luxury for the benefit of an elite few to satisfy their scientific curiosity, but rather as an essential investment in the country’s prosperity. If we don’t invest in innovation, we will not maintain our quality of life.

In 2021 the combined investment by the New Zealand Government and industry was 1.47 percent which compares with Australia 1.66 percent, Denmark 2.89 percent, the UK 2.0 percent and Sweden 3.41 percent. The OECD report puts New Zealand Government funding at 0.29 percent of GDP (OECD average is 0.5 percent). As much of that isn’t linked to inflation, the actual budget for funding research has been eroded substantially.

New Zealand’s science community is relatively small but highly connected. We must avoid parochialism and exploit complementary skill sets and resources across the whole country. We would like to see more Centres of Research Excellence along the lines of the present CoREs, but with a clear mandate to deliver outputs in both basic and applied science and, in combination with industry, to deliver outcomes that have health, social, environmental, educational or economic impact for the New Zealand taxpayer.

Working with industry

The national university sector needs to have much greater connection with end-users. This could be through creating more industry-linked PhD scholarships, encouraging more internships, or providing incentives for universities and industry to work together. Growing industry-academic engagement would enhance innovation in industry, provide more relevance for some university research, and enhance job opportunities for postgraduate research students. The UK and Australia have introduced ‘doctoral training programmes’ – typically four-year PhD programmes (as opposed to the normal three-year model) which can include internships, clinical placements, project management and/or entrepreneurial skills training.

New Zealand and the world

If we want world-class research, our teams must participate in international science projects and apply to international science funding agencies. In assessing proposals, funders should formally prioritise those which intend to work with globally top-ranked researchers and institutions. This ensures that the quality of research is judged against international standards, allows researchers to tap into much larger research funds, and leads to new international collaborations and new career opportunities for graduating PhD students. It can also help with creating international connections for the startup companies that come out of research labs.

New Zealand has an opportunity to attract top international research students, particularly as anti-immigration policies in the US make that a less attractive option. The Government’s foresighted policies of allowing international PhD students to pay only domestic fees and granting these students post-study work rights, are critical to making us an attractive destination – we cannot afford to retreat on either. We should also look to ensure we reduce delays in processing student visas for graduate students – waiting several months is a significant deterrent.

Meanwhile, we need to invest more in getting talented young Kiwi scientists and engineers to return home after gaining overseas experience. The Rutherford Discovery Fellowships are valuable, but we need more of them and they need to offer more funding to make a difference.

Longer funding cycles

If we want significant economic outcome from scientific research, we need to take a longer-term approach to research funding. The typical three-year grant cycle is very challenging for continuity and momentum. Our current model of annual grant project submissions with no opportunity to revise and submit a better proposal is a wasteful barrier to innovation and many researchers can only survive by writing many grants for relatively small amounts of funding. In the US, for example, the National Institutes of Health has three funding cycles a year, and explicitly allows for resubmission and renewals. Funding agencies should also be required to provide much better feedback to failed applicants than they currently do.

Science equipment infrastructure

We urgently need a national fund for essential items of research equipment that are too expensive for one research group, or even one university, to fund. We cannot attract top quality people and we cannot do world-class science with second-rate equipment.

Innovation parks

We need innovation or technology development parks. Creating startup companies out of research labs is on the first step on the path to economic benefit, but these companies must be supported for many years as they grow to become self-sustainable. All require help with business management, IP protection, financial investment, dealing with regulatory issues (especially in the biotech and MedTech areas), and gaining access to national and international markets. Many also need access to resources such as clean rooms and specialised manufacturing equipment that is too expensive for a startup company but can easily be shared across a sector. Keeping these innovation parks close to the research heart of a university is important for access to the research skills and IP from the university, but also for ensuring that these companies help graduate students see the impact of their research.

Distinguished Professor Sir Peter Hunter, co-founder and former director of the Auckland Bioengineering Institute.

Professor Julian Paton, Faculty of Medical and Health Sciences, University of Auckland

Professor Kurt Krause, Department of Biochemistry, University of Otago

Distinguished Professor Geoff Chase, Faculty of Engineering, University of Canterbury

This article reflects the opinion of the authors and not necessarily the views of Waipapa Taumata Rau University of Auckland.

This article was first published on Newsroom, A new model for science funding, 29 May,. 2024

Media contact

Margo White I Research communications editor Mob 021 926 408 Email margo.white@auckland.ac.nz

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Frequently Asked Questions

If you don’t find the answer to your question below, please contact the Information Specialist

What’s the definition of family violence?

The Clearinghouse uses family violence as an umbrella term including intimate partner violence (including intimate partner sexual violence), child abuse and neglect (including child sexual abuse), sibling abuse, parental abuse, elder abuse, violence against disabled people and so on.

See our Definitions page for more information.

What are the latest family violence statistics?

1 in 3 (35%) New Zealand women have experienced physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence (IPV) in their lifetime. When psychological/emotional abuse is included, 55% have experienced IPV in their lifetime (Fanslow & Robinson, 2011).

In the 2019 Family Violence Study | He Koiora Matapopore women reported increased lifetime experience of controlling behaviours and double the rates of economic abuse from a male partner. The lifetime rate of physical IPV has not changed and there has been a small reduction in lifetime sexual IPV.

The New Zealand Violence Against Women Study found that 87% of women who had experienced physical and/or sexual violence from a partner had not reported the violence to Police (Fanslow and Robinson, 2010 ) . There was little change in the 2019 Family Violence Study (Fanslow, Hashemi, Malihi, Gulliver & McIntosh, 2021).

There were 177,452 family harm investigations recorded by NZ Police in the year to June 2023 - a 49% increase from 2017 ( NZ Police annual report, 2022/23 ).

There were 69500 reports of concern, leading to 37,800 assessments or investigations , made to Oranga Tamariki - Ministry for Children in the 12 months to 31 March 2023 (Oranga Tamariki, 2023).

See more on our Statistics pages.

What are the trends? Is family violence increasing or decreasing?

Unfortunately New Zealand doesn’t collect sufficient, comparable data (for example, from research surveys) regularly enough to know whether family violence is increasing or decreasing.

Administrative data (for example, from police, child protection, hospitals, domestic violence services etc) is often reported annually, however this reflects levels of service activity rather than the number of people who experience family violence in any community. Most people don’t report family violence to agencies or services (Fanslow & Robinson, 2010). Also, agencies tend to change their policies, procedures and how they record family violence over time. This can lead to changes in the numbers that don’t necessarily reflect increases or decreases in rates of violence. Similarly, it is not known how much differences in level of service activity are influenced by changes in willingness to report.

It is safe to say that family violence remains a very significant problem in Aotearoa New Zealand and that comprehensive strategies and investment are required to effectively address it.

For more information see our Statistics pages.

Where can I find family violence statistics for Māori, Pacific peoples, ethnic communities, disabled people, the Rainbow community?

See the links on our Statistics page.

Research shows that domestic violence affects every ethnicity in New Zealand. However some groups are at higher risk than others. For example, a survey of New Zealand women found that the lifetime prevalence of physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence (IPV) was 1 in 2 for Māori women (58%), 1 in 3 for European/Other women (34%) and 1 in 3 for Pacific women (32%). Asian women reported a lower lifetime prevalence of IPV (1 in 10, 11.5%) (Fanslow & Robinson, 2011). Note that advocates believe there may be particularly low rates of reporting violence in Asian communities.

Differences in rates of violence between ethnic groups can be related to differences in socio-economic status. Again, family violence affects people from all socio-economic groups however groups with lower socio-economic status are at increased risk of violence (FVDRC, 2017).

Family violence can be experienced in specific ways in various ethnic and cultural communities and communities of interest or belonging. For example common dynamics, forms of abuse and victim-perpetrator relationships can vary. Effective prevention and intervention initiatives must be responsive to specific communities. For more information, see the relevant sections of our Recommended Reading .

Results from 2019 NZ Family Violence Study show that disabled people experience higher rates of partner violence and non-partner violence..

Where can I find family violence statistics for my region / town?

The number of 'family investigations' carried out by Police district are available up until 2018 ( Our data - You asked us , NZ Police, 2019).

Data at a smaller, more local level is not provided as the numbers become less meaningful. You can contact government agencies for specific data.

Aren’t women just as violent as men?

Humans are capable of violence regardless of gender. Violence against people of all genders needs to be effectively addressed.

Debates about gender and violence often centre around statistics.

The New Zealand Family Violence Death Review Committee found there were 194 family violence deaths between 2009 to 2015, with intimate partner violence (IPV) deaths making up almost half of these deaths (FVDRC, 2017). In 98% of IPV death events where there was a recorded history of abuse, women were the primary victim, abused by their male partner.

In 2020, most applicants for protection orders were female (84%) and most respondents were male (86%) (Notes and trends for 2020, Ministry of Justice, 2021).

It is also important to recognise the people and stories that are behind the statistics. This includes experiences that differ from the most common patterns.

A gendered analysis of intimate partner and sexual violence also means understanding differences in the context, dynamics, meaning, and consequences of violence. See Evan Stark’s work on the ways coercive control is gendered for more information. See also other writing on gendered analysis .

Intersectionality (Nixon & Humphreys, 2010) highlights that other structural factors including colonisation, racism, socio-economic status, ableism and homo/bi/transphobia need to be considered together with gender (see also Intersectionality 101 ).

Who perpetrates child abuse?

A fact sheet by Child Family Community Australia (2014) Who Abuses Children? provides a useful summary of the evidence.

For New Zealand data on child sexual abuse see Child Sexual Abuse and Adult Sexual Violence - Perpetration by Gender .

Research is available on media narratives and representations of child abuse in New Zealand, particularly the disproportionate media focus on the deaths of Māori children (Merchant, 2010).

See also these NZFVC Issues Papers (2013):

Understanding connections and relationships: Child maltreatment, intimate partner violence and parenting

Policy and practice implications: Child maltreatment, intimate partner violence and parenting

What causes intimate partner violence and child abuse?

Violence is typically the outcome of the interaction of a constellation of different factors: single factor explanations are not sufficient. Individual, relationship, community, institutional, social and cultural factors work together to enhance or reduce the likelihood of violence being perpetrated or experienced. Violence is also a behaviour which is governed by an element of choice, influenced by societal attitudes about what is considered acceptable behaviour. At a structural level, colonisation , gender inequity , socio-economic inequities and social and cultural norms all play a role alongside other factors.

Studies have found that experiencing abuse or witnessing domestic violence in childhood increases the risk of becoming a victim (women) or perpetrator (men) of intimate partner violence as adults (Whitfield, et al, 2003). However research also consistently finds that the majority of child victims do not go on to abuse others as adults. Similarly the majority of adults who abuse or expose their children to abuse have not been victimised (Schelbe & Geiger, 2017).

For further information, see the NZFVC Issues Paper Understanding research on risk and protective for intimate partner violence (2016).

What is the government doing about family violence?

Established in 2018, Te Puna Aonui (formerly called the Joint Venture: Eliminating family violence and sexual violence) has the responsibility to lead, integrate, and provide support for everyone to ensure an effective whole-of-government response to family violence and sexual violence.

Information on the cross-government work programme on family and sexual violence is available on the Ministry of Justice website.

See our Clearinghouse News articles for more detailed information on government activity such as policy, legislation, working groups, submissions and consultation processes (filter by ‘Government’).

How can we end family violence?

Effectively addressing intimate partner violence and child abuse will require a comprehensive, multifaceted approach. It will require a long-term investment in policy, infrastructure and communities. This needs to be supported by an overall strategic framework. Partnerships between government, tangata whenua, services, communities, researchers, media and others are needed.

Everyone can play a part . More information is available from the It's Not OK Campaign along with E Tū Whānau and Pasefika Proud . See also tepunaaonui.govt.nz .

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Domestic violence: Calls for ‘huge’ number of gardaí to deal with crimes after ‘haunting’ details in new report

New research shows ballyfermot, dublin, is ‘disproportionately affected’ by ‘elevated’ levels of violence against women.

Domestic abuse co-ordinator in Ballyfermot, Garda Shaunagh Gaffney: 'Domestics are part of our day-to-day work here.'

A Dublin Garda specialising in tackling domestic violence has called for a national bureau dedicated to the crime “with huge numbers” of gardaí assigned to it.

Garda Shaunagh Gaffney, domestic abuse co-ordinator in Ballyfermot, was speaking at an event on Wednesday marking publication of research demonstrating the area was “disproportionately affected” by “elevated” levels of violence against women.

The Dublin City Council-funded report finds “numerous individuals” in Dublin 10 live with ongoing “risk of lethal violence” from partners who “have access to firearms”. It finds young women are being “groomed” into abusive relationships with the promise of drugs, while intergenerational cycles of violence through families are having a “devastating impact on children”.

One local woman “recalls a mother she had been working with describing how she had used her baby ‘as a shield’ to protect herself”, notes the report, titled Unveiling the Shadows: Dynamics of Domestic Violence and Abuse in Dublin 10.

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Garda Gaffney, speaking in Cherry Orchard community centre, said unfortunately “domestics are part of our day-to-day work here in Ballyfermot”.

Not only were the abused women affected, she said, “there is a wider circle also affected. More often than not there are children witnessing this abuse, who have their own experiences of the abuse and coercive control.

“My own personal hope for An Garda Síochána is to see a dedicated domestic abuse unit with huge numbers. I would love nothing more than to see domestic abuse receive the same spotlight, the same number of investigators and interviewers and more importantly the same budget as the drugs and crimes units at a local level.

“I would also love to see in-person training and talks arranged for gardaí more regularly who are more often than not the ones assigned to these calls,” said Garda Gaffney.

Sean McDonnell, lead researcher on the report, said it had been “one of the most haunting pieces” of work he had done. He and co-researchers spoke to “dozens” of women aged from the late teens to elderly women who had survived abuse or knew women who had. Many felt Ballyfermot women’s lives were “ignored”.

“The abuse itself was carried out over sustained periods of time, sometimes years. The abusers themselves were seldom challenged and often went on to involve themselves in multiple relationships.”

The fact they were abusive was “not only known to the victims of the abuse but were also known within the community itself,” he continued.

“When we spoke to the women there was a strong feeling that there were aspects of the community that in some ways accommodate the aggression. There was a lack of services, there was no place for these women to go and there were very few situations in which they could leave these relationships in a safe and controlled way. Not only were they threatened but their families were threatened, their children were threatened.

“There was a strong sense from the women that not only was their lived experience ignored but actually the lived experience of women within this community was being ignored.

“What they were asking for was not simply that there be services available in the short to medium term but that on a day-to-day basis there be services available that these women could contact and find refuge,” said Mr McDonnell.

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Kitty Holland is Social Affairs Correspondent of The Irish Times

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