early marriage in the philippines essay

Victory for Children’s Rights: Ending Child Marriage in the Philippines

Law supported by the center provides social protection measures to prevent and combat the harmful practice..

In a victory for the health, safety and human rights of children, the Philippines has enacted a new law that seeks to prevent and end child marriage. While President Rodrigo Duterte signed the law on December 10, 2021, it was only publicly released by Malacañang on January 6, 2022. 

Although the country’s previous law recognized the legal age of marriage as 18, child marriage has been commonly practiced in certain religions and cultures in the Philippines. The Center for Reproductive Rights supported the development of the new law, which makes child marriage a public offense and adds a series of penalties for violating the law ranging from fines to up to 12 years of imprisonment.  

The consequences of child marriage on girls and boys are numerous and far-reaching, directly causing grave harms, including the denial of education, perpetuation of poverty, and increased likelihood and risks of early pregnancy, childbirth, maternal mortality, and sexual violence. 

“We’re pleased that the government has finally recognized that child marriage is a fundamental human rights violation harming the health and safety of girls and boys,” said Jihan Jacob, Senior Legal Adviser for Asia at the Center for Reproductive Rights. “This new law represents a significant first step in safeguarding the rights of children in the Philippines.”  

The Center’s Asia team has been advocating for stronger laws to strengthen protection and respect the reproductive autonomy for the rights of children, including adolescents, in the Philippines. The team’s advocacy included: submitting reports on the status of adolescents’ reproductive rights to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child ( March 2020 , October 2020 ) ; participating in several consultations on the then-pending bill organized by local organizations and legislators; and sharing comparative research on child marriage including from India , Nepal , and South Asia with policymakers and NGOs to help inform the legislation and the impact on sexual and reproductive health and rights of children.

New Law Adds Strong Penalties for Offenders  

The Center’s Submissions to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child (Philippines)

June 2020 submission.

The new law, Republic Act No. 11596, or An Act Prohibiting the Practice of Child Marriage and Imposing Penalties for Violations Thereof, contains strong penalties for those who arrange or facilitate, participate, and/or officiate the marriage of a person under 18. Considered a public offense, child marriages will also be considered “void ab initio,” meaning they would not be legal. The law allows for a one-year transitory period during which the penal provisions will be suspended specifically for Muslims and Indigenous peoples. 

Penalties include:

• A person who causes, fixes, facilitates, or arranges a child marriage will be subject to fines and/or prison time, with a penalty of up to 12 years in prison if the perpetrator is a parent, step-parent, or guardian of the minor.   
• Those who violate the law by performing or officiating the formal rites of a child marriage will also receive fines and/or prison time, and those in positions of public office will be disqualified from office. 

October 2020 Submission (Supplementary Report)

Girls Are Especially Harmed by Consequences of Child Marriage  

In the Philippines, one in six girls are married before turning 18. Child marriage has a range of negative impacts on the health and lives of young people, especially young girls, and triggers a continuum of human rights violations that continue throughout a person’s life.   

For girls in particular:

• Child marriage is often accompanied by early and frequent pregnancy and childbirth, which also results in increased maternal mortality rates.  
• For girls, child marriage perpetuates the cycle of engendered poverty, preventing many of them from continuing their education and reducing their employability.    
• Girls who marry before the age of 18 are more at risk of being subject to physical, sexual and emotional violence.  

New Law Based on a Foundation of Human Rights  

“Child, early, and forced marriages limit opportunities across the board, including those around sexual and reproductive decision-making,” added Jacob. “That’s why it’s so essential to have proper, human-rights-based legal frameworks to prevent child marriage and ensure accountability. By enacting this new law, the Filipino government is signaling a legal shift that formally recognizes the rights, dignity, and well-being of minors.” 

Under the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, governments must take steps to address and provide redress to rights violations, and the decision in the Philippines is an important move towards ensuring prevention and accountability. It is critical for nations and governments around the world, especially where child marriage is common practice, to acknowledge their obligations under international human rights law to act against child marriage and its resulting human rights violations.  

The Center’s Work in the Philippines

More Reform Needed to Effectively End Child Marriage in the Philippines  

“Criminalization is just the first step, and we’re hopeful this law will bring about a host of other actions to combat the entrenched cultural biases and harmful stereotypes that have allowed child marriage to occur for so long,” said Jacob. 

Government’s efforts to prohibit child marriage must include measures to challenge entrenched social norms and discriminatory gender stereotypes that underlie the practice of child marriage in the country. According to the UN Human Rights Council, “The criminalization of child, early and forced marriage alone is insufficient when introduced without complementary measures and support programmes.”  

Under the new law, the Department of Education will develop a sexual education curriculum that will include culturally sensitive modules and discussions around the impacts of child marriage in order to shift social norms and attitudes. In addition, the law directs other government agencies to develop programs and campaigns aimed at raising awareness about the effects of child marriage and protecting victims. 

To end child marriage, ongoing programs and investment to support victims and develop a foundation of human rights in the Philippines will be essential to ensuring women and girls can thrive. 

In developing the implementing rules and regulations of this law, the Center calls on the government to continue its efforts to respect, protect, and fulfill the rights of children and adolescents in the Philippines by enabling them to make informed and autonomous decisions about their sexuality and reproduction and ensuring access to sexual and reproductive health information and services. The Center also calls on the government to ensure that mechanisms are in place to guarantee implementation of the provisions related to support, property relations, and custody. 

Child Marriage in the Philippines

• One out of six (16.5%) Filipina girls are married before they are 18 years old, according to the 2017 Philippine National Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS).
• The Philippines ranks tenth in the world for the number of girls who are married or in a union before the age of 18: 808,000, according to the organization Girls Not Brides.
• Girls who marry before the age of 18 are more at risk of being subject to domestic violence. According to the 2017 NDHS, 26.4% of married women aged 15-19 years old reported experiencing physical, sexual or emotional violence.

Tags: Philippines , Child marriage , Adolescent rights

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People want an end to child marriage, but can a law change culture?

• The United Nations Children Fund (UNICEF) noted a decline in its prevalence worldwide — from one in four girls from 10 years ago to about one in five today.
• With the COVID-19 pandemic and its economic impacts, the UNICEF fears that 10 million more girls worldwide will end up becoming child brides.
• A separate analysis by Save the Children projected that 2.5 million girls will be at risk of marriage by 2025, which would be the greatest surge in child marriages rate in 25 years.

The Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) in 2017 noted that 15 percent of women reported getting married by age 18, while two percent said they were married by age 15.

• In November 2020, the Senate unanimously approved on final reading Senate Bill No. 1373, which seeks to outlaw marriages between minors, or between a minor and an adult. 
• A counterpart bill was passed by the House of Representatives on third and final reading on Sept. 6.  Like the Senate bill, House Bill No. 9943 bans and declares child marriages “void from the start.”

Much has been said about child marriage, and several organizations, both local and international, agree: It is a form of child abuse, an exploitation, a human rights violation that deprives children of several opportunities.

While the United Nations Children Fund (UNICEF) noted a decline in its prevalence worldwide — from one in four girls from 10 years ago to about one in five today — the practice of child marriage remains.

In the Philippines, about 808,000 women got married before they turned 18 years old, according to the latest figures of the Girls Not Brides organization, which put the country at the 10th spot in terms of the highest absolute number of women who got married before reaching the age of 18.

In its 2019 Marriage Statistics, the PSA recorded 45 girls and boys under 15 years old who got married during the year.

With the COVID-19 pandemic and its economic impacts, the UNICEF fears that 10 million more girls worldwide will end up becoming child brides. A separate analysis by Save the Children projected that 2.5 million girls will be at risk of marriage by 2025, which would be the biggest surge in the rate of child marriages in 25 years.

Child marriage is driven not only by poverty, trafficking or lack of education, but also by cultural practices passed down through generations.

While the legal age of marriage in the Philippines is 18, existing laws permit marriage before this age among Muslims and indigenous peoples.

Of the Filipino girls and boys who registered their marriage in local civil registry in 2019, 24 were married in Muslim tradition while 20 were married in tribal ceremonies.

The country's Code of Muslim Personal Laws (Presidential Decree No. 1083) allows marriage at the age of 15 for boys, and at the onset of puberty for girls.

While consent is mandatory before the marriage, some children were raised thinking that their elders would decide for them.

Other Muslim families, however, have become more liberal, with members no longer being subjected to early and arranged marriages.

The Bangsamoro Women Commission (BWC), an agency in the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (BARMM), has been vocal against child marriage, especially in pointing out its adverse effects to young girls.

“Child brides have limited opportunities for education and employment, are at an increased risk of domestic violence and other assaults to their physical and mental health, and have little decision-making power within the household, especially when married to older men,” the BWC said in a position paper submitted to the Senate.

The BWC called for the amendment of the PD No. 1083.

In November, 2020, the Senate unanimously approved on final reading Senate Bill No. 1373, which seeks to outlaw marriages between minors, or between a minor and an adult. 

Senate Bill No. 1373, which explicitly defines child marriage as “child abuse,” would penalize those who facilitate and arrange such marriage with imprisonment of up to 12 years and a fine of up to P50,000. Parents and guardians will also be stripped of their parental authority over the child.

Those who officiate a child marriage, meanwhile, would be slapped with a jail term and fine of at least P40,000, as well as perpetual disqualification from office.

A counterpart bill was passed by the House of Representatives on third and final reading on Monday, Sept. 6.

Like the Senate bill, House Bill No. 9943 bans and declares child marriages “void from the start.”  It proposes to punish persons who facilitate a child marriage with a penalty of prison mayor in its medium period, or a fine of at least P40,000.

If the parent or guardian of the child arranges the marriage, the penalty will likewise be imprisonment or a fine of at least P50,000 and the loss of parental authority.

Individuals who officiate the child marriage will also be slapped with a penalty of prison mayor in its maximum period or a fine of at least P50,000, while public officials will also face perpetual disqualification from office.

‘Historic step’

“This is a historic step toward the criminalization of child marriage, which has trapped several Filipino girls into unwanted and early child-bearing responsibilities,” Gabriela Women's Party Representative Arlene Brosas said.

“Clearly, the fight versus early and forced child marriage is not a fight against a long-time practice, tradition or custom. It is an urgent and necessary fight to end abuse and violence against women and children,” Kabataan Party List Rep. Sarah Elago said. “It's time to challenge and end it.”

Senator Risa Hontiveros, sponsor of the bill in the Senate, expressed her optimism that the bill, if signed into law, will end the practice of child marriage despite it being embedded in cultural practices.

“Just like any other law that involves challenging deep-seated values and cultural practices, implementing this on the ground will involve the cooperation of national government agencies, civil society organizations, and other advocates, and stakeholders. In the bill, they are called duty-bearers,” Hontiveros told the Manila Bulletin.

The chairperson of the Senate Committee on Women, Children, Family Relations and Gender Equality referred to the bill's provisions tasking concerned government agencies to undertake and monitor program against child marriage.

“As always, constant education – learning and unlearning – will be key to transforming these cultural beliefs and practices. We recognize that it may be a difficult process, but nothing worthwhile ever comes easy," Hontiveros said.

Content Search

Philippines

PHILIPPINES: Early marriage puts girls at risk

MANILA, 26 January 2010 (IRIN) - Nurina was 14 when she married Sid, who was 23. "We were close friends. He treated me like a younger sister," Nurina said. "People started to gossip and my family insisted that we be married to avoid tarnishing my reputation."

Seven years later, Nurina is a third-year high-school student and a mother of three.

Early and arranged marriages are common practice in Muslim culture in the Philippines where about 5 percent of the country's 97 million inhabitants are Muslim.

It is estimated that 80 percent of Filipino Muslims live on the southern island of Mindanao. Muslims have a different set of rules governing marriage, divorce, custody of children, among others [ http://www.muslimmindanao.ph/shari%27a/pesonal_laws.pdf ].

"Under Article 16 of the Muslim Code, the minimum marrying age is 15 for both males and females. However, upon petition of a male guardian, the Shari'a District Court may order the solemnization of the marriage of a female who has attained puberty though she is younger than 15, but not below 12," Claire Padilla, executive director of EnGendeRights, a legal NGO working for the repeal of this provision, which it considers discriminatory, told IRIN.

No accurate information

There is no accurate data of how many Muslim girls in Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) marry before the age of 18.

Yasmin Bursan-Lao, founder and executive director of Nisa Ul-Haqq Fi Bangsamoro (Women for Justice in the Bangsamoro), an NGO advocating for women's rights in the context of Islamic culture, attributes this to several factors.

"Marriage registration is not a common practice, especially in far-flung areas. Many do not find the registration of marriages, births and deaths relevant unless they seek employment. The process and costs entailed further discourage registration," says Bursan-Lao, quoting findings in a research paper, Determinants and Impact of Early Marriage on Moro Women, by Nisa in March 2009.

A total of 593 respondents from five provinces in ARMM, who were younger than 18 at marriage, were surveyed. The study shows that 83 percent were 15-17, while 17 percent were between nine and 14 years old. The ages of the respondents' husbands ranged from 11-59 years, with 57 percent between 17 and 21 at the time of marriage.

"Early marriage is not just a result of cultural practices. The Muslim Code allows it. Challenging the practice of early and arranged marriage needs evidence-based argumentation which we hope this research will address," Bursan-Lao concluded.

Reasons for getting married

Religious beliefs ranked highest, with women saying early marriage was in accordance with their religion. This was followed by cultural reasons such as keeping family honour, and economic factors.

A small proportion said they married for political reasons like settling or preventing family disputes, or forging political alliances, while others still report being "forced" into the arranged marriage by their parents.

Maternal mortality risks

According to the 2008 National Health and Demographic Survey, [see: http://www.un.org.ph/response/clusters/nutrition/keyDocs/2008%20National%20Demographic%20and%20Health%20Survey.pdf ], the maternal mortality rate in ARMM is twice as high as the national average of 162 per 100,000 live births.

ARMM has a high unmet need for family planning, with the lowest contraceptive prevalence rate for modern methods at 9.9 percent and traditional methods at 5.2 percent.

On average, six out of 10 births take place at home under the supervision of a traditional birth attendant, but in ARMM, that figure is nine out of 10 births, the survey states.

Elizabeth Samama, a provincial health officer in ARMM, said having children at a young age poses serious health risks. "The body of an adolescent girl is not fully developed. Her uterus and other reproductive organs are not mature or properly equipped to support the development of another human life. The ideal age for conceiving is between the age of 20 and 35," she said.

Armed conflict

The Department of Social Welfare and Development estimates that 126,225 individuals are still living in evacuation centres since the outbreak of renewed fighting between the government and the Muslim separatist group, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, in August 2008.

"The combination of so much idle time in a close space like an evacuation centre makes the youth vulnerable to exploring relationships," says Laisa Alamia, a programme manager for Nisa Ul-Haqq Fi. Pre-marital relations are forbidden in Muslim culture and to protect the girl's chastity, she is forced into marriage.

But Alamia also noted another factor. "In the evacuation centre, each family is entitled only to one food coupon for basic relief goods. Girls and boys are married off by their parents to create new families and qualify for more food coupons," she said.

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Perspectives and realities of child marriage

While many support the passage of the anti-child marriage law or Republic Act No. 11596 that protects children, others push for an exemption, citing inconsistencies with the Muslim code of personal laws and cultural norms, customs, and traditions.

In the Islamic perspective, the age of discernment is the onset of puberty. It can be as early as nine years old for girls and around 15 or 16 for boys. They can get married by these ages to prevent zina or illicit sexual relations. However, we cannot be blind to other societal illnesses, like pedophilia and gender-based violence. Surely, the protection of the vulnerable is weightier than the few who wish to marry early and are psychologically, physically, and financially capable?

To those seeking reconsideration of this law, try to imagine your nine-year-old daughter telling you she is in love with a boy in school and wants to get married. Try to imagine that a man five times her age who is eligible under our personal laws and customs wants to marry her. Try to imagine her with a child of her own. If you had a choice, would you consent to marry off your daughter, who is still in elementary? Is marriage at this point the best protection for her, more than education, parental guidance, or spiritual maturity?

I am a young woman who got married at 26 years old. Others consider this the right age, but I still had to forego career and education opportunities even with my privileged position. Caring for the family became my priority. I am thankful for empowering experiences in my youth: I finished graduate school, did well in my professional career, and had the opportunity to travel the world. I am secure knowing I have skills and capacities in case of abandonment, divorce, or getting widowed. I wish the same for my daughter. To make the most of her potential before marriage when life becomes different.

I am still learning my rights as a wife within the rules of Islam. I cannot help then but think of women and children who are unaware of theirs, especially girls most vulnerable to gender-based violence in early marriages.

Meanwhile, I am a young male teacher, and I have seen firsthand how early marriages affect girls more than boys. I have 11- to 14-year-old students who are already married. The females had to stop school to care for their children while married young boys could continue and enjoy the support of their families. Unfortunately, too, we hear many stories of forced child marriages that consider girls as properties without agency.

Islam emphasizes the protection of women—it is imposed on men to lower their gaze when women are around, education is obligatory for both sexes, and women have the right to keep their inheritance and assets even after marriage. However, I recognize that women’s lived realities are starkly different from the ideal.

RA 11596 seeks to protect children who cannot speak for themselves. While there is wisdom in allowing marriages to curb premarital sex, child marriage is not an isolated case that exempts specific cultures and identities because it affects education, health, poverty, and vulnerability to violence.

In a 2013 young adult fertility survey, 60 percent said early marriage or early pregnancy affected their ability to finish school, which has inter-generational effects. A person who graduated high school has four times more capability to increase their income than those who finish only elementary. Likewise, the capability to earn more increases sixfold for those who finish college than those who do not.

Both of us are not Islamic scholars, but we know enough to say that not all Shariah laws are immutable. While our faith, values, and objectives as Muslims are universal and transcend time, laws allow flexibility to adapt to current contexts and necessities. Jurists can amend laws to ensure the welfare of our women. In Saudi Arabia, marriages below the age of 18 are already prohibited. If our collective goal as Muslims is to protect women and children, is it not time to consider the anti-child marriage law?

We reflected on this matter as both a woman and a man, bringing our perspectives as wife, mother, daughter, and brother and son. The debate will certainly continue, as it should. What is crucial now is that legislators and implementers protect spaces for dialogue that allow those directly affected to participate, raise issues, present solutions, and work with others to implement measures responsive to their everyday realities, especially for young women and girls.

Allahu’alam. Allah knows best.

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Nina Bahjin-Imlan is a wife, mother, and advocate for peace and women’s empowerment. Rod Matucan is a community youth leader and teacher in the Bangsamoro.

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Crisis upon crisis: teen pregnancies, child marriages amid the pandemic

Teen pregnancies and child marriages have been pressing concerns in the Philippines but the pandemic and the lockdown intended to curb it aggravated the problems, officials and rights advocates say.

“Even before COVID-19, from Cagayan Valley to Lanao del Sur, we saw how child marriage increases in areas where there is deep poverty, plenty of disasters and other forms of crisis,” said Lot Felizco, country director of development and humanitarian organization Oxfam Philippines.

The pandemic is “the reason for the increase of gender-based violence, especially in evacuation camps and temporary shelters,” she said in at the #GirlDefenders Speak Out to End Child Marriage Zoomlidarity Rally on March 5.

She did not elaborate but recurring natural calamities and armed conflicts in the country have forced families to evacuate from their communities, with women and girls bearing the brunt of these difficult conditions.

Felizco added that “social and gender norms fuel the practice of child marriage.”

The Philippines is the 12th country worldwide to have the most number of child marriages with around 726,000, as listed by the UNFPA in their 2020 policy brief. It also claimed that one out of six teenage girls are already married in the country.

In another forum a week earlier, Commission on Population and Development (PopCom) Executive Director Jose Perez III said that the problem of teenage pregnancy is “likely to continue and even exceed the current record” because of the absence of health and family planning services while under quarantine.

“Unintended pregnancies are of great concern since these are associated with a range of adverse consequences not only for the mother but for her child as well, especially when the mother is still a child herself,” he said during a webinar on Feb. 26 called “Amplified: Young Voices for Adolescent Health.”

In 2020 alone, more than 102,000 teens aged 15 and above gave birth, including an additional 18,000 due to almost 10 months of community quarantine amid the pandemic. This compares to the estimate without community quarantine of 84,000, according to a study by the University of the Philippines Population Institute and the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA).

Rom Dongeto, director of the Philippine Legislators’ Committee on Population and Development (PLCPD) said in last month’s webinar that the cases of unintended pregnancies can be “attributed to early sexual initiation and unprotected sex yet many are definitely victims of statutory rape and child sexual abuse.”

Worsening over time

The issue of teen pregnancies has been a pressing problem for years, prompting the National Economic Development Authority (NEDA) to declare it as a national social emergency in 2019.

PopCom’s Perez said that in 2002, most of those who engaged in premarital sex were males aged 15 to 19. “However, in 2013, we saw the number of women rise with the number of men engaging in premarital sex before 18.”

But 2019 showed a drastic change in terms of teenage pregnancies. Births among 10-14 year-old mothers increased to seven births a day in 2019, compared to three births/day in 2011, said Perez, citing numbers from the Philippines Statistics Authority (PSA).

The Social Weather Stations (SWS) reported that 59% or almost 6 out of 10 Filipinos, polled in November 2020, believe that teenage pregnancy is the most important problem of women today.

Apart from teen mothers, fathers aged below 20 have also steadily increased since 2010.

Mai Quiray of PopCom said one of their programs on teen pregnancy also focuses on communicating with teen fathers about their responsibility and their adolescent reproductive and sexual health. Especially with the rise of these cases, they should not be left out.

Women usually take one year to get pregnant and give birth, but men can impregnate more in a year, she said.

“It is important for teen fathers to also get this message because their roles grow bigger in terms of youth pregnancies,” said Perez.

Better communication between teenagers and parents may decrease the likelihood of risky sexual activity, according to Perez, but PopCom data shows only 10% of Filipino parents discuss sexuality with their adolescent children.

Adolescent mothers

The Popcom director said early marriage compromises a minor’s opportunities.” More and more minors who have given birth had repeat pregnancies,” he said. “And based on my observation, if you have given birth to your second child as a minor, most likely, you will not be able to finish your studies and return to school.

Apart from halting education, teen mothers face more risks.

Mothers aged 10 to 19 face higher risks of diseases such as eclampsia, puerperal endometritis and systemic infections than women aged 20 to 24 years, according to the World Health Organization, while babies of adolescent mothers also face higher risks of low birth weight, preterm delivery and severe neonatal conditions.

Adolescent and young adult women also experience physical, sexual or emotional violence from their husbands or partners during pregnancy.

Policies to prevent rise of adolescent pregnancy, child marriages

Bills have been filed in both Houses in Congress to address the rise in adolescent pregnancies.

Sen. Risa Hontiveros, who chairs the Committee on Women, filed Senate Bill (SB) 1334 or the Prevention of Adolescent Pregnancy Act of 2020.

The bill, which has been pending on 2nd reading since Feb. 12, 2020, aims to create a national program specifically on the prevention of adolescent pregnancy, and proposes comprehensive sexual education to be integrated in all school levels.

For the House of Representatives, Malou Acosta-Alba who sits as the Chair on Committee on Women and Gender Equality, was among the filed House Bill (HB) 6528 or the Prevention of Adolescent Pregnancy Act of 2020.

Mariquit Melgar, a staff member of Acosta-Alba, said “While we have several laws on reproductive health and healthcare, such as the Universal healthcare Act, there is no law that specifically addresses problems surrounding adolescent pregnancy,” highlighting the bill’s importance.

In crafting the bills concerning teen pregnancy, Rena Dona of the UNFPA said at least 1200 members of the youth were surveyed to see their top concerns in relation to adolescent pregnancies to “ensure young people’s concerns are addressed.”

The top concern was the lack of correct information regarding sexual and reproductive health, which 82% of the respondents listed as the first priority, followed by the lack of guidance from parents and guardians which accounted for 75 percent and lastly, the lack of access to adolescent sexual and reproductive health services, such as contraceptive commodities, which amount to 65 percent.

“To address these concerns, young people expressed that the government needs to mobilize an intensive and targeted age-appropriate gender-responsive culturally appropriate advocacy campaign and awareness raising, for both online and offline platforms,” said Dona.

In an effort to ban child marriages, Dep. speaker Bernadette Herrera-Dy, also the first legislator who sought to ban child marriages in the 17th congress, filed 1486 or An Act Protecting Children by Prohibiting and Declaring Child Marriage as Illegal.

The bill aims to authorize the DSWD to formulate a comprehensive program and services to ensure support of child marriage prohibition. It was recently submitted on March 2, 2021, to the Committee on Justice since it was filed on July 4, 2019.

In the Senate, Hontiveros filed on Feb. 26, 2020, a similar bill with SB No. 1373 which proibits and declares child marriage as illegal.

PopCom has also said that the fate of thousands of these adolescent girls hangs in the balance with the stalling of the bills.

Teen pregnancies are a problem to all, “especially the Filipino youth,” said PLCPD’s Dongeto.

These bills should be enacted into law “because child marriages continue….They are not isolated cases,” he said.

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The Impact of Early Marriage Practices: A Study of Two Indigenous Communities in South-Central Mindanao (Tboli and Blaan) From a Human and Child Rights Perspective

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Getrude Vongai Chiparange

Harafik Harafik

Indonesia is the second highest of early marriage incidence for girls in Southeast Asia, right behind Cambodia and is ranked 37 in the world (UNDESA, 2011). The early marriage especially for girls has multiple drivers and are inseparable one from another. Poverty has been claimed to be a main trigger for parents to marry their daughters at early age as marrying their daughters will likely to relief family economic burden. Likewise, a growing of literature on child marriage has suggested that it tends to perpetuate poverty in broader understanding as in many cases girls who marry at early age very often than not have to leave schools which lead to lose opportunity to gain skills and knowledge which is essential endowment for escaping poverty. Tradition, and religious norms and gender inequality also play critical part in causing early marriage among girls and this tradition mostly persist in rural areas in which rate of poverty is still prevalent and unavailability of basic infrastructure.

Clarence Faye D E L E M O S Bobis

Parentification or adolescents' adoption of adult family roles by providing instrumental or emotional support for their family can have a huge impact to an adolescent in terms of his/her social/emotional adjustment and perception of marriage. Many studies have discussed about parentification and the adolescents’ social-emotional adjustment, but few studies were about parentification and perception of marriage. This study aimed to know if there is a significant difference between perception of marriage and the different types of social/emotional adjustment among female adolescents in the concept of the Filipino family whose score ranged from average to high on the Parentification Questionnaire. The researchers utilized a quantitative research design and purposive sampling to gather data. Researchers used Weinberger Adjustment Inventory Scale to measure the parentified adolescents’ type of social-emotional adjustment; Marital Attitude Scale which has 3 separate scales (IMS, GAMS and AMS) to measure the parentified adolescents’ perception of marriage. The data gathered are statistically analyzed using One-Way ANOVA and Tukey Test. The results have shown significant difference between the social/emotional adjustment of the parentified female adolescents’ and their perception of marriage in regards with their negative attitudes towards marriage and in one aspect of marriage which is the trust.

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Passage of “prohibition of child marriage law” is a major milestone for child rights, statement attributable to ms. oyunsaikhan dendevnorov, unicef philippines representative.

7 January 2022 -  Amid the exacerbation of child rights issues due to the COVID-19 pandemic, compounded by the onslaught caused by Typhoon Odette (Rai), UNICEF Philippines celebrates a major milestone in child rights – the passage of Republic Act No. 11596 or the “Prohibition of Child Marriage Law.”

According to the 2017 Philippine National Demographic and Health Survey, 1 in 6 Filipino girls are married before they are 18 years old or the legal age of majority. The phenomenon of child marriage has been seen to have been practiced in indigenous and Muslim communities in the country. Globally, the Philippines ranks 12 th in the absolute number of child marriages. While these communities have been trying to address this issue through community-based programmes, passing a legislation strengthens the legal framework and protection for our young children and underscores the commitment of the Government as a State Party to fully implement the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child.

The profound effects of the pandemic, including school closures, economic shocks, and interruption of vital health services, have had direct impacts on teenage pregnancy and subsequently, child marriage. With the passing and enactment of this new law, another layer of protection, which will also yield lasting benefits for children, especially girls, is secured.

Child marriage is a human rights violation that can result in a lifetime of suffering not just for young girls but for their children as well. Girls who marry before turning 18 are less likely to remain in school and more likely to experience domestic violence and abuse. Compared to women in their 20s, they are also more likely to die due to complications in pregnancy and childbirth. If they survive pregnancy and childbirth, the likelihood of their infants to be stillborn or die in the first month of life is quite high.

We laud the Philippine Government for passing this very important law. Together with the Child Rights Network and all other child rights organizations and advocates in the country, we at UNICEF will remain committed in ensuring the stringent enactment of this new law and supporting the Philippine Government, especially the key actors in the implementation of this Act, as we continue our work towards the complete eradication of child marriage and all forms of violence against children in the Philippines.

UNICEF will be steadfast in safeguarding other actions including social protection measures, equitable access to education, uninterrupted health services, and empowerment of children and young people.

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For more information about UNICEF and its work for children in the Philippines, visit www.unicef.ph .

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Ending Child Marriage In The Philippines

This file photo shows teenage girls huddling as they look at an improvised lantern in Legazpi City, Albay province, southeast of Manila. (AFP Photo)

Every year, 12 million girls are married before the age of 18. That is 23 girls every minute. 

In some Southeast Asia countries, child marriages and teenage pregnancies continue to rise. ASEAN member states Indonesia , Lao PDR and Vietnam, among others have long practiced early unions. Girls Not Brides, an international organisation on a mission to end child marriage worldwide, states that 14 percent of girls are married before 18 in Indonesia, and one percent are married before their 15th birthday. Whereas in Lao and Vietnam, 35 percent and 11 percent of girls are married before they turn 18, respectively.

Some of the main reasons that fuel and sustain the practice of child marriage include poverty, lack of education, cultural practices and security.

When a girl is forced to marry as a child, she faces immediate and lifelong consequences. Her odds of finishing school decrease while her odds of experiencing domestic violence rise, notes the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF). There is also a higher risk of perpetuating intergenerational cycles of poverty.

Back in March 2019, ASEAN together with UNICEF, United Nations Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA) and humanitarian organisation Plan International, organised a regional forum to raise awareness on child, early and forced marriage (CEFM) in the region. The forum served as the beginning of an action-oriented dialogue among multiple stakeholders, aimed at accelerating efforts to eliminate child marriage and to make Southeast Asia a CEFM-free region.

A few months following the forum, Indonesia announced that it had revised its marriage law to lift the minimum age at which women can marry by three years to 19. It was a move welcomed by campaigners as a step towards curbing child marriage in the archipelago.

Recently, the Philippines’ Senate passed on third and final reading a bill that criminalises child marriage in the country. According to local media, in a unanimous vote, senators approved Senate Bill No. 1373 or the “Girls not Brides Act” which prohibits marriage between minors (persons below 18 years old) or between a minor and an adult.

In addition, those who cause, fix, arrange or officiate a child marriage shall also receive punishment. 

“The issue of child, early and forced marriages is one that is largely invisible to us here in Metro Manila, but it is a tragic reality for scores of young girls who are forced by economic circumstances and cultural expectations to shelve their own dreams, begin families they are not ready for, and raise children even when their own childhoods have not yet ended,” said Senator Risa Hontiveros. 

“Today we give our girls a chance to dream, a chance to define their future according to their own terms. We defend their right to declare when they are ready to begin their families. We tell them their health matters to us, their education matters to us. We give them a fighting shot,” she added.

According to UNICEF, the Philippines has the 12th highest absolute number of child brides in the world at 726,000. An estimated 15 percent of Filipino girls are married before they turn 18, while two percent are married before the age of 15.

Even before the recent and much celebrated move by the Philippines, the ASEAN member state had already committed to eliminating CEFM by 2030 in line with target 5.3 of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

The Philippines ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1990 which sets a minimum age of 18 for marriage. The archipelago has also committed to the ASEAN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women and Violence against Children in 2013, which acknowledges the importance of strengthening the region’s efforts to protect children from all forms of violence, including early marriage. Other than that, they also co-sponsored the 2014 United Nations (UN) General Assembly resolution on CEFM, among other efforts to combat the issue.

An analysis by humanitarian organisation for children, Save the Children, revealed that a further 2.5 million girls are at risk of marriage by 2025 because of the COVID-19 pandemic  – the greatest surge in child marriage rates in 25 years.

Save the Children also states that as many as one million more girls are at risk of becoming pregnant this year alone – with childbirth the leading cause of death among 15- to 19-year olds.

"When you have any crisis like a conflict, disaster or pandemic – rates of child marriage go up," said Erica Hall from international children charity, World Vision.

Back in July, Iori Kato, UNFPA’s representative to the Philippines warned that the country may see a spike in child marriage amid the coronavirus crisis.

“In the Philippines, even before the outbreak of COVID-19, one out of six Filipino girls married before 18,” said Kato.

“And because the effects of this pandemic and quarantine measures are disrupting those efforts to end child marriage, we may actually see even a further increase in child marriage,” he added.

Hopefully, with the approval of the proposed Girls Not Brides Act in the Philippines, that would not happen in the country.

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Prevalence rates, child marriage by 15, child marriage by 18, other key stats.

16.5% of girls in Philippines are married before their 18th birthday and 2.2% are married before the age of 15.

2.9% of boys in Philippines are married before the age of 18.

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Content featuring philippines, the responsibility to prevent and respond to sexual and gender based violence in disasters and crises.

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Looking at sexual and gender-based violence following natural disasters in Asia, this research found child marriage as one of the most prevalent forms of violence.

Child, early and forced marriage legislation in 37 Asia-Pacific countries

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FAST FACTS: What causes child marriage in BARMM?

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This is AI generated summarization, which may have errors. For context, always refer to the full article.

CHILD BRIDE. This file photo shows a 14-year-old girl who was forced to marry a man she barely knew.

Bobby Lagsa/Rappler

MANILA, Philippines – In January 2022, the ban on child marriages finally became law in the Philippines, but this does not necessarily mean the practice will be eradicated right away. Cultural and socio-economic conditions prevail that make these possible.

In the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM), adolescent girls have had to undergo the now-illegal practice of child marriage because of family, community, and environmental pressures, a new study found.

Plan International, the Women’s Refugee Commission, and Transforming Fragilities said in their study, released Wednesday, March 30, that child marriage in BARMM is rooted in gender and socio-economic equality, limiting young girls’ freedoms to make their own life decisions.

The study found that child marriage comes from a number of cultural factors, such as a prevailing patriarchal system, as well as unaddressed socio-economic problems. These include:

• Conflict or disaster-related displacement
• Limited decision-making power among adolescent girls
• Self-sacrifice and sense of duty
• Controlling adolescent sexuality to protect family honor
• Poverty and lack of access to stable income-generating activities
• Lack of access to quality education
• Differing interpretations of Islamic beliefs around child marriage
• Enabling legal environment

On January 6, President Rodrigo Duterte signed the law declaring a total ban on child marriage in the Philippines . Lawmakers and advocates fought a long battle for the ban to protect Muslim women and girls from the practice.

Under Presidential Decree No. 1083 or the Code of Muslim Personal Laws, Filipino Muslims were allowed to get married as minors, while non-Muslims in the country are permitted by the Family Code to marry only after reaching the age of 18. Section 13 of the new law states that decrees that are inconsistent with it are repealed or modified.

Cultural drivers

According to the study, many adolescent girls were deprived of decision-making powers, including whom to marry. Gender norms perpetuated by parents, and subsequently their husbands, governed girls’ bodies, behavior, sexuality, socio-economic health, and access to resources and opportunities. Some parents arranged marriages without consulting their daughters.

This is done despite Islam’s prohibition of forced marriages. But some young girls do not openly resist their families’ decisions – and silence is read as consent.

Too young to marry

At the same time, girls rationalized the fear or hesitation they had towards marriage because they had a “sense of self-sacrifice and duty” towards their parents and family. Some girls were inclined to the agreement because they believed it would help relieve financial burden on their parents, or “regain family honor.”

Marriages were used to control girls’ sexual behavior, and as a response to teenage dating, pregnancy, elopement, rape, and to save girls’ families from shame. Some girls were married off to dispel rumors about their sexuality – but were later still bullied by their peers.

“For example, girls who are sexual violence survivors were found to be forced to marry their perpetrators. In their stories, many girls expressed discontent regarding their marriages, but ultimately rationalized them as a fair punishment, or as a means to regain family honor,” the study read.

The study found that married and unmarried young women were not familiar with existing national laws or guidelines that discouraged the practice. This led them to believe child marriage was common and acceptable, even if it meant marrying a perpetrator of sexual violence.

Muslim families were also found to be interpreting Islamic beliefs differently when it came to the acceptance of child marriage. 

“To note, Islamic law permits marriage by maturity rather than age…. Data showed contradictory community perceptions; among some community members child marriage was desired, while among others it was stigmatized,” the study read.

Socio-economic, political drivers

Data from the study confirmed the intrinsic link between poverty and education that leads to child marriage.

“Poverty alone does not cause child marriage, but rather a lack of resources to fulfill educational needs that is caused by a lack of income-generating options leads to school dropouts, because caregivers cannot afford to pay school fees and/or other educational materials,” the study read.

“Without an education, girls are left with few alternatives, except child marriage for financial security,” it added.

In some areas, child marriage was found to be commodified or done out of convenience amid displacement. In Lanao del Sur, marrying off one’s daughter was used as a form of compensation or appreciation for shelter from host families. Marriages were also done as a way to form a family that would receive its own packages from humanitarian assistance in Lanao del Sur and Maguindanao.

Some provinces in Lanao del Sur also used child marriages as a way to consolidate and expand political and resource power.

The study revealed that child marriages ultimately led to early pregnancies, cycles of poverty, dropouts from school, adverse effects on health and well-being, and stigma and social isolation of married girls.

Eradicating the practice

The child marriage ban was a long-awaited victory for young women and girls forced into the practice. But the law may turn out as ineffective if it is not implemented.

The study recommended an urgent, coordinated, and multi-stakeholder community-led approach to address the drivers of child marriage. Government actors, such as the BARMM’s ministries of education, health, and social services and development, must address gaps in programs and services for married and pregnant adolescent girls.

The new law provides for one of the study’s recommendations, which is to compel these government actors, including youth councils (Sangguniang Kabataan), to ensure and promote greater access to education in areas where child marriage is common. 

Parenting interventions would also serve useful in preventing the practice. Curriculum topics could include child protection, positive parents, children’s rights, and parenting in Islamic households. The study also suggested disseminating positive sexual and reproductive health rights messaging and information at home.

Humanitarian and development programs must also be designed in a way that young girls have greater access to safe spaces to learn, interact, and play with their peers. However, there is still limited evidence behind safe spaces leading to the mitigation of gender-based violence.

In areas with threats of conflict and violence, current peace-building programs by government, civil society organizations, and nongovernmental organizations would allow more space for health and social services.

Read Plan International’s full study here . – Rappler.com

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Exploring the Consequences of Early Marriage: A Conventional Content Analysis

Javad yoosefi lebni.

1 Health Education and Health Promotion, School of Health, Iran University of Medical Sciences, Tehran, Iran

Mahnaz Solhi

2 Department of Education and Health Promotion, School of Health, Iran University of Medical Sciences, Tehran, Iran

Farbod Ebadi Fard Azar

Farideh khalajabadi farahani.

3 Department of Population & Health, National Population Studies & Comprehensive Management Institute, Tehran, Iran

Seyed Fahim Irandoost

4 Department of Community Medicine, School of Medicine,Urmia University of Medical Sciences, Urmia, Iran

Associated Data

Supplemental material, sj-docx-1-inq-10.1177_00469580231159963 for Exploring the Consequences of Early Marriage: A Conventional Content Analysis by Javad Yoosefi Lebni, Mahnaz Solhi, Farbod Ebadi Fard Azar, Farideh Khalajabadi Farahani and Seyed Fahim Irandoost in INQUIRY: The Journal of Health Care Organization, Provision, and Financing

Early marriage is one of the most important social issues for young women and can have many consequences. The present study aimed to explore the consequences of early marriage among Kurdish women in western Iran who were married under the age of 18. This qualitative study was conducted with the approach of conventional content analysis. The data were collected through semi-structured interviews with 30 women selected by purposeful sampling. Data analysis was performed using Graneheim and Lundman’s method. A total of 389 codes, 12 subcategories, 4 sub-categories, and 2 main categories were extracted from the data analysis. Negative consequences of early marriage include: 1—physical and psychological problems (high-risk pregnancy and childbirth, physical illnesses, depression, and emotional distress); 2—family problems (dissatisfaction with married life, experience of having lots of responsibility, lack of independence in family life); 3—social problems (risky social behaviors, lack of access to social and health services, social isolation, lack of access to a job, and educational opportunities); and 4—positive consequences, including receiving intra-family support, improving living conditions, and opportunities for progress and empowerment. It is possible to reduce problems and challenges after early marriage by increasing the awareness and knowledge of young women about contraceptives and providing appropriate social and health facilities, and services during pregnancy. Providing the necessary training and psychological counseling for them and their husbands on how to deal with personal problems and marital life will be effective to a great extent.

• What do we already know about this topic?
• Early marriage is associated with the following: non-use of contraceptives before the first delivery; high fertility (3 or more births); repeated pregnancy in less than three months; unwanted pregnancies; more domestic violence, including various forms of physical, emotional, and sexual violence; depression; the risk of getting sexually transmitted diseases; and preterm birth.
• How does your research contribute to the field?
• Few qualitative studies have been conducted on the consequences of early marriage in Iran and around the world. Therefore, the current research can reveal the hidden layers of this issue, and its results can be provided to site developers and planners to take action to improve the health of children who experience early marriage.
• What are your research’s implications for theory, practice, or policy?
• Early marriage brings many negative consequences for women, such as physical and mental problems and family and social challenges. Of course, in some cases, it can bring positive consequences, such as receiving support within the family, improving living conditions, and the opportunity for advancement and empowerment.

Introduction

In the last 3 decades, many national and international organizations have paid extensive attention to children’s rights. 1 One of the violations of children’s rights is early marriage, 2 which refers to marriage under the age of 18, 3 and it can have devastating consequences for both genders. However, it is regarded as an example of gender discrimination because it is more harmful to girls. 4 It is estimated that almost 5 times as many girls as boys are married under the age of 18, and about 250 million of them marry before the age of 13. 3 The rate of early marriage varies from country to country; Africa and Western Europe have the highest and lowest rates, respectively. 5 In Iran, the minimum legal age for the marriage of girls is 13, but men can marry girls under 13 with a judge’s order. 6 The prevalence of early marriage in rural areas of Iran is reported at 19.6 and in urban areas at 13.7. 7 In the first 9 months of 2016 in Iran, 13 820 cases of marriage under the age of 18 were registered. But the actual figures for early marriage appear to be higher than the official figures because many cases of early marriage occur within families and are not officially registered. 8

Early marriage in other countries occurs for reasons such as cultural beliefs, 9 social norms, 10 poverty, 11 control over girls, 12 and religion. 13 Low literacy and lack of awareness among girls and their parents, lack of decision-making power and authority of girls, gaining social prestige and support, and poverty have been identified as the most important causes of early marriage of girls in Iran. 6 , 14

There are many devastating consequences of early marriage. In a study, early marriage was significantly associated with non-use of contraceptives before the first delivery, high fertility (3 or more births), and repeated pregnancies—women becoming pregnant again within 3 months of giving birth. 15 A study on behavioral control and spousal violence toward women in Pakistan found that women who were married as children experienced more behavioral control than adult women. They also experienced more domestic violence, including various forms of physical and emotional violence. 16 Irani and Roudsari, in 2019, also showed in a review study that early marriage in girls was associated with death during childbirth, physical and sexual violence, depression, the risk of getting sexually transmitted diseases, and preterm birth. 17 A qualitative study conducted by Mardi et al in 2018 in Ardabil, Iran, showed that adolescent girls confronted experiences such as misunderstanding of sexual relations, death of dreams, and decreased independence. Also, the results of their study showed that adolescent girls could not understand life opportunities, and health care providers and policymakers needed to make adolescents aware of the negative consequences of early marriage and prevent them from doing it. 18

In Iran, few qualitative studies have been conducted on the consequences of early marriage, and none of the studies have been conducted in Kurdish regions. Since the study population is different in terms of ethnicity, language, and culture from other parts of Iran, and according to the experiences of the first author of the article, who has been conducting research on women in this area for many years, it seemed that a separate study should qualitatively examine the consequences of early marriage in this region. Therefore, the present study aimed to explore the consequences of early marriage among Kurdish women in western Iran.

Design and Participants

This qualitative study employed the conventional content analysis method. 19 Qualitative content analysis is an appropriate and coherent method for textual data analysis that is used with the aim of a better understanding of the phenomenon. In conventional content analysis, categories and subcategories are obtained directly from interviews or group discussions. 20 - 22

The study population consisted of married women who had married under the age of 18. The following criteria were used to select participants: having been married under the age of 18, being under 25 at the time of the study, residing in one of the 2 Kurdish provinces of Kermanshah or Kurdistan at the time of marriage, and willingness to participate in research.

Kermanshah and Kurdistan provinces are located in the west of Iran. These 2 provinces have many cultural and social commonalities. The people of both provinces are Kurds and speak Kurdish. Also, economically, both provinces are almost on the same level.

The purposeful sampling method was used in this study. The researchers proceeded to the study area after obtaining the ethics approval (IR.IUMS.REC.1397.1225) from the Iran University of Medical Sciences. Study participants were included based on inclusion criteria after collecting addresses from the selected health centers. Before beginning the interview sessions, the researchers explained the goals and objectives to the participants and written consent was obtained from all participants.

Data Collection

The information needed for the study was obtained through semi-structured face-to-face interviews. All interviews were conducted by a woman with a master’s degree in women’s studies who was familiar with qualitative research and semi-structured interviews. No men were present during the interviews so that the participants could quickly share their experiences with the researcher. All the interviews were recorded using a recorder, and note-taking was done during the interviews. The researcher initially chose a quiet place for the interview in coordination with the participant so that the interviews were conducted without the presence of another person, and the researcher tried to elicit the required information from the participants by creating a sincere atmosphere. First, she asked general questions. Then, after creating an empathetic atmosphere, she asked the more sensitive questions. At the beginning of each interview, in addition to stating the goals and necessity of the study, provided a brief description of their scientific resume. Then the interview started with a few questions about demographic characteristics, such as age and education, and continued with the main questions ( Table 1 ). The authors designed the interview questions and sent them to 3 participants as a test to ensure they could achieve the research objectives with the designed questions, which were approved. It then ended with short complementary questions to get the depth and breadth of the answers. The place and time of the interview were determined by the participants, mostly in places such as their homes, libraries, cultural places, parks, and other public places. The duration of the interviews varied for each participant, but the average time was 68 minutes. The interview was conducted in Kurdish and translated into Persian by the article’s first author. After data analysis, an expert translated all parts of the article into English. The first author assisted the translator, who explained any unclear parts to the translator so they could be translated better.

Interview Guide.

The researchers stopped the interviews when saturation occurred, and data saturation occurs when no new data are obtained from the interviews. 23 Conceptual saturation occurred in interview 23 when the codes were repetitive, but the researchers conducted 7 more interviews to gain greater confidence and prevent false saturation, reaching 30 people. Finally, data saturation was achieved after 30 interviews. Data collection and analysis began in July 2019 and ended on April 13, 2020.

Data Analysis

The data analysis process was performed using the 5 steps suggested by Graneheim and Lundman. 19 In the first step, the corresponding author and first author of the article listened to all the interviews that were recorded, once individually and then together. Later, they typed all the interviews in Microsoft Word. In the second step, the texts of the interviews were read several times to gain an understanding of the whole text. In the third step, the texts were read word for word, and thus, the codes were retrieved. The open codes were then categorized under more general headings. In the fourth step, the codes were categorized into categories based on their similarities and differences, and how they were related was determined. In the last step, the data were placed in the main categories, which were more abstract and more conceptual ( Table 2 ). The analysis of the data was done manually, and all the authors of the article monitored the process and expressed their views in separate meetings.

An Example of Data Analysis.

Ethical Considerations

The researchers went to the health centers of the surveyed cities and villages after receiving the ethics approval (IR.IUMS.REC.1397.1225) from the Iran University of Medical Sciences. The health centers were asked to identify women who met the study’s eligibility criteria and collect their contact information. When contacting the women, they were asked to determine the time and place of the interview. Then the researchers visited the people’s homes and invited them to participate by stating the research’s goals and necessity.

Trustworthiness

To confirm the validity and consistency of the study, the researchers used the Lincoln and Guba criteria. 24 To gain credibility in this study, the participants were selected based on who had the most diversity in terms of socioeconomic characteristics. Then the findings were given to 8 participants, and they expressed their views on the matching of the findings to their experiences of early marriage. In addition, because the researchers were natives of the study areas and had experience conducting qualitative research on Kurdish women, they could easily communicate with participants and obtain good information from them. To gain confirmability, the researchers sent the data analysis process to 4 people who were familiar with the principles of qualitative research and had experience conducting research on early marriage, and later, their supplementary feedback was used. To gain dependability, all the authors of the article participated in the process of analysis and coding, and the opinions of all members of the research team were used. Also, in order to obtain transferability, in addition to presenting many direct quotes from the participants, a detailed description of the whole research process was provided to the readers in this article ( Supplemental File 1 ). The results of the study were also given to 4 women who had similar characteristics to the participants in the project but did not participate in the study. They were asked to state whether they agreed with the research outcome and whether they had similar experiences with the participants in this study. Then they accepted the results of the study.

The study ended with the participation of 30 women, whose demographic characteristics are shown in Table 3 . After analyzing the data, 389 open codes, 14 subcategories, 4 categories, and 2 main categories were extracted, which are described below ( Table 4 ).

Demographic Characteristics of Participants.

Main Categories, Categories, Subcategories, and Codes Extracted From the Analysis of Interviews.

Negative Consequences of Early Marriage

Early marriage posed many challenges for women at various individual, family, and social levels, leading most participants to regret the marriage.

1—Physical and psychological problems

Marriage during childhood endangered women’s health and forced them to deal with additional medical and psychological issues, such as high-risk pregnancies and births, physical problems, yearning and remorse, and psychological difficulties.

High-risk pregnancies and childbirths

Most adolescent women had little awareness and knowledge about contraceptives due to the taboo of talking about sexual issues in Iran. These issues were never fully explained to adolescent women, so their knowledge was limited. Therefore, most adolescent women became pregnant accidentally, and since they had no preparation for this and had not received pregnancy knowledge in adolescence, they experienced several challenges that risked their and their child’s health.

“Honestly, I didn’t want to get pregnant, but I didn’t know how to prevent it. There was no one to guide me. I became pregnant very soon.” (Participant, 5) “I have had two abortions. Most of those who get married at a young age have such an experience.” (Participant, 14) “I really wanted to give birth naturally, but I couldn’t give birth to my baby, so I had a cesarean section.” (Participant, 28) “For the first four years of my life, I was pregnant all the time and my baby was not born alive. My body had nothing left.” (Participant, 17) “I became very weak after my child’s birth, and I had a lot of problems.” (Participant, 30)

Since adolescent women did not have the proper knowledge and skills of contraception, they usually became pregnant unwantedly soon after marriage, and because they were not physically and mentally ready for childbirth, they tackled many problems, which endangered the health of mothers and newborn children, and it may have even led to the death of both.

Having physical illnesses

Some girls who got married in childhood confronted many physical problems and got pregnant, which could affect their health and reduce their quality of life. Most of these girls who got married early were from humble families, and on the one hand, they had financial problems in preparing proper food, and on the other hand, they did not eat nutritious food due to their lack of nutrition knowledge. Therefore, they confronted many physical problems. The pressures of early pregnancy could also exacerbate the disease and physical problems.

“I had my first abortion, then I had a nosebleed two months later. I went to the doctor. They told me that my blood pressure had gone up. Every once in a while, my blood pressure rises, and it bothers me.” (Participant, 4) “I don’t know, maybe I’m wrong, but I feel like the marriage made me have a severe headache. I went to a doctor, and he said I had a migraine.” (Participant, 10) “I’m young, but every part of my body is in pain. Sometimes my backache drives me crazy.” (Participant, 18)

Girls who got married during childhood had many physical problems after the marriage that could endanger their health and lower their quality of life.

Depression and emotional distress

The experience of love and having children is one of the sweetest moments in most women’s lives, but most women who got married in childhood did not get this sweet experience since most of their marriages were traditional and without love and affection. Therefore, most adolescent women became pregnant accidentally, and since they had no preparation for this and had not received pregnancy knowledge in adolescence, they experienced several challenges that risked their and their child’s health. Also, the fact that many girls were forced to drop out of school after marriage, which made them regret that they did not continue their education in order to have a job. This lack of a job and sufficient literacy caused them to have less self-confidence. These events increased the problems and challenges of adolescent women, while they had neither the training nor the skills to cope with any of these challenges, so in some cases, these women saw no other way but to end their lives and commit the severest and most violent type of suicide attempts, i.e., self-immolation.

“I never had the childhood that I always yearned for. I always wanted to ride a bike, but they forced me to marry. “After marriage, if you ride a bike, everyone will blame you.” (Participant, 20) “When I see some of my friends getting married with love and affection, my heart breaks, and I feel very sorry that I wish I had fallen in love.” “It’s annoying that I can’t experience love anymore.” (Participant, 30) “I cry when I hear from some people that the best experiences of their lives are being married and having children because it has been the worst experience of my life.” (Participant, 3) “I regret when I thought I could enjoy my marriage and having children, but because of my early marriage, everything was ruined.” (Participant, 1) “I haven’t laughed from the bottom of my heart for a long time. I’m always sad for getting married early. I’m not in the mood for anyone. My sister tells me I’m depressed.” (Participant, 12) “I have decided several times to kill myself and get rid of this life. Once I poured oil on myself, but as soon as I lit the fire, my brother-in-law understood and did not let me kill myself.” (Participant, 12) “My self-confidence is very low. I feel worthless. I don’t like to be with others at all. When I want to talk, I mispronounce some words.” (Participant, 20)

Early marriage prevents a child from experiencing childhood and adolescence like their peers. Marriage can be marvelous experience for many people, but early marriage turns it into one of the worst events of girls’ lives. These issues could lead girls who had been married as children to face a lot of yearnings and regrets. Also, when these young women saw their successful peers who had been educated and had a job, they inevitably compared it with their lives and circumstances and have more regret. Early marriage puts a lot of pressure on women, causing them a lot of psychological harm, and because they have no skills or abilities to solve these problems, it lowers their self-confidence and increases their feelings of inferiority. As a result, it led to depression, and in the end, it could even lead to suicide.

2—Family problems

Families, in which early marriage is common are more fragile than other families due to their circumstances and face many problems and in some cases these problems can destroy the functioning of that family.

Dissatisfaction with married life

As previously mentioned, most girls who married in childhood lost the opportunity to continue their education, learn skills, and get a job, and thus, they became financially dependent on their husbands. In some cases, their husbands have abused this financial dependency, giving women less money and necessities of life, and somehow using economic or financial violence against them. Adolescent women also entered into married life without any skills or education, and in some cases, their husbands may be young and have no skills and training for married life. Consequently, women may undergo sexual violence from the beginning. And after marriage, there were some problems in their genitals, as some participants said that on the wedding night, they were bothered and hurt because they or their partner did not know how to have sex. They may also be subjected to physical and psychological violence due to their lack of marital management skills and their poor position in married life.

In some marriages, the age gap between couples was so huge that they had no understanding of each other, so in many cases, either divorce occurred, or they tolerated each other only to avoid the restrictions and problems after getting a divorce. Most women said they did not have a desired married life, which in some cases led to divorce, and if they were still in a relationship, there was an emotional separation and sexual dissatisfaction.

“I’m not financially independent. Every time I ask my husband for money, he annoys me a lot to give me money. Sometimes he forces me to stop another request for the money he gives me.” (Participant, 14) “It’s been less than two months since our marriage, my husband gave me a beating. He is very violent. He often beats me for trivial things.”(Participant, 15) “I’ve heard a lot of insults from my husband. He says a lot of ugly things to me. Sometimes he yells at me in the family gathering and says ugly things to me.” (Participant, 1) “I didn’t know much about sex in the beginning, so I didn’t know how to please my husband. My husband sometimes got angry and told me I didn’t know anything, and he would do whatever he wanted, even if I wasn’t happy.” (Participant, 8) “I was very annoyed the first night and that’s why I never enjoy sex anymore. Every time we do this, I get more annoyed. My sister, who got married early, says like me, she doesn’t enjoy it at all.” (Participant, 25) “My husband and I don’t understand each other at all. Sometimes we don’t talk for ten minutes in a week. If it weren’t for my baby, I would separate.” (Participant, 23) “I had a disagreement and argument with my husband from the very beginning of my life. He said “you don’t know anything”. Our life wasn’t good at all. We fought with each other all the time and I had to divorce him.” (Participant, 12) “My husband and I have a big age difference, so we can’t satisfy each other sexually.” (Participant, 6)

Girls who married as adolescents had lower levels of awareness, abilities, and power in adulthood, as well as an understanding of social rights, sexual dilemmas, and marriage and their spouses mistreated them. Furthermore, since they grew up in a traditional environment where discussing sex was usually frowned upon and they had not been adequately acquainted with sex in the educational system, they lacked a solid knowledge of sex and were unable to meet the needs of their husbands. They were sexually assaulted and may have suffered serious injuries. Some of the participants were forced to marry or married owing to poor social and economic situations, without love or desire, and had a significant age gap with their spouses. As a result, they had numerous troubles in life and were dissatisfied with their marriage.

Experience of having a lot of responsibility

Many wives, even though they were still children, were forced to take on various responsibilities that put a lot of pressure on them. In fact, teenage girls were forced to take on responsibilities as a wife for which they were not yet prepared. But this was not the end of the story, because they added another responsibility with their early pregnancy. If they were unlucky that in the event of the death of their husband, they had to take on the responsibility of the head of the household, and taking on all these responsibilities without receiving any training and support can endanger their health and even their future.

“When I got married, I was very young. I used to watch cartoons at my father-in-law’s house. My husband argued with me many times about this. He said, ‘Why are you behaving like this? You grew up. You mustn’t watch the cartoon.’ ”(Participant, 26) “We lived with my husband’s family. They expected me to behave like a perfect woman, but I didn’t know many things. Whenever they had guests, they would argue with me a lot, saying my behavior was wrong.” (Participant, 2) “When my husband died, I was 17 years old and had a two-month-old baby. I had to be both a father and a mother to my child while I was still a child.” (Participant, 4) “It wasn’t until a month after we got married that I realized I was pregnant. I got confused; I didn’t know what to do. I was just crying. I was a child myself. When my baby was born, I couldn’t protect her at all.” (Participant, 23) “I was a child myself, but I was expected to be both a good wife and a good mother. No one understood me.” (Participant, 29) “I feel like I didn’t have a typical adolescent experience like others. I knew I had been thrust from my childhood into the adult world. It is really difficult to adjust to married life.” (Participant No. 1)

With early marriage, children were forced to take on several different responsibilities at the same time. Each of these responsibilities had its own importance, and because they had no training for any of these roles, they were under a lot of pressure.

Lack of independence in family life

When women got married in childhood, they had very little power in their married lives because they did not know many issues related to life. Also, because they lived with the husband’s family, in many cases, they interfered in the young couple’s life under the pretext of instructing them on the issues of married life so that they made the final decision in their personal issues and decided for them what to do and what not to do. This may happen in all stages of life and is not only related to the early years of married life. Several participants stated that even after having children, the husband’s family had made the main decisions in their lives.

“My husband makes his decisions without telling me anything.” He hasn’t asked my opinion at all. (Participant, 8) “My mother-in-law makes a lot of decisions for me.” She says, “You are very young.” “You don’t have much experience.” (Participant, 4) “I can’t even wear my favourite clothes; I didn’t want to have children at all, but my husband’s family kept on me about it, so I had to do it.” (Participant, 2) “When you get married as a child, everyone likes to interfere in your life because they think you don’t understand anything about life.” (Participant, 30) “I wanted to name my daughter whatever I liked, but my husband and his family chose something else.” “They didn’t ask me if I liked this name or not.” (Participant, 18)

Girls become more vulnerable in their married lives as a result of early marriage, and they have less bargaining and negotiating power to achieve their goals. There should also be space for others to interfere, as adults think that the young bride does not have enough experience and should be trained to live, so they allow themselves to interfere in their most personal matters.

3—Social problems

In addition to individual and family problems, young women also faced problems and limitations in society that could make their living conditions more difficult.

Risky social behaviors

Since most women married in childhood out of compulsion or unawareness and it was rare for them to marry out of love and affection, they faced difficulties in married life because they were not emotionally supported in the family. Moreover, they wanted to fill this emotional void by building up emotional or even sexual relationships outside the family. Early marriage could lead to other high-risk behaviors, such as smoking and alcohol consumption. In rare cases, women resorted to alcohol and smoking to endure post-marital conditions and to reduce or alleviate their pain. Of course, sometimes, due to their young age and big age difference with their husbands, they had less power in the family, so if their husbands were addicted to drugs, they may have forced young women to use drugs.

“My husband and I have a big age difference. We cannot understand each other at all. We also have sexual problems. “My husband cannot satisfy me much, so I sometimes have sex with other people to satisfy my sexual needs.” (Participant. 7) “I’m 22 years younger than my husband. We don’t understand each other at all. “I often go on social networks and talk with other people.” (Participant, 17) “For the first few years of my life, I just cried.” My husband is a smoker. “I started smoking; at first he disagreed, but then he didn’t say anything to me.” (Participant, 2) “In order to think less about my life and grieve less, I sometimes drink.” “We always have it in the fridge; my husband drinks a lot.” (Participant, 14)

Marriage in childhood causes many problems for girls. In some cases, these girls were drawn to risky social behaviors to get rid of these conditions or to endure them.

Lack of access to social and health services

Adolescent women needed a lot of social and health services after marriage due to the physical condition of pregnancy and the psychological pressures of married life in order to cope with the new situation. However, in the study area, there was no special service for these women, and they were left alone and helpless. This could make the process of adapting to the new life more difficult for them. Also, most married teenage women had low literacy due to early marriage and dropping out of school. In many cases, they were not able to use modern technologies, so they were not familiar with the internet. Therefore, they could not use its contents to raise their awareness and knowledge of the issues of married life.

“They do not provide us with any health services.” “Even when we become pregnant, there is no organisation to support us.” (Participant, 3) “We face many problems during and after pregnancy, but the government and other organisations do not help us at all, and sometimes we are even reprimanded in hospitals.” (Participant, 17) “When I got married, I didn’t know many things. “There was no special place for me to ask for their help and advice.” (Participant, 11) “I studied until the third grade of elementary school. I don’t know much about education. I can’t even work with new phones. “I don’t know anything about the Internet, either.” (Participant, 15) “I and all those who got married at a really young age have our own special needs, but there is no special place for us.” (Participant, 29)

Despite the many social and health needs of girls who had experienced early marriage, there was no institution or organization in society to support these girls, and no special training or privileges were provided for them. Lack of sufficient literacy and media skills and abilities was another problem for these women, which made them not even know how to find the answers to their questions.

Social isolation

According to the culture and customs of the society under study, when a woman gets married, she needs to devote all her time and attention to her family and spend less time with her friends, especially her single friends. This issue causes girls who get married early to stay away from their peers. Likewise, when they dropped out of school due to marriage and became pregnant, they had to stay home full time and raise their children. Therefore, most of these women were socially isolated, and their circle of social relationships became limited. This issue can cause many psychological and social problems for them.

“When I got married, I cut off most of my school friends.” Nobody was left. “I felt very bad.” (Participant, 6) “My husband doesn’t like me to be in a relationship with my single friends.” “I had nobody left to confide in.” (Participant, 20) “In my husband’s family, those who are married are all too old, and I cannot be intimate with single people.” That’s why I have more relationships with people who are older than me. We cannot understand each other. “I hate having to deal with people who are older than me, and we don’t understand each other.” (Participant, 17) “After marriage, I had to stay at home all the time.” My husband is the driver of a big truck. He’s been at home for at least 4-5 days. When he leaves, I have to stay home. Because he dislikes it, I go somewhere alone. (Participant, 26)

Girls who married young were cut off from their peers’ worlds and were forced to have relationships with people their older age. This made them less inclined to have relationships with others, which in turn led to more social isolation. Also, it was not culturally acceptable for married women to associate with single girls. So, girls who have early marriages will soon be separated from their peers.

Lack of access to job and educational opportunities

Most participants stated that after marriage, they were forced to drop out of school or had studied for a short time. So, they did not have the opportunity to learn a skill due to marrying early and getting busy with life and child care.

“I was 16 when I got married, and then I had to drop out of school. My husband used to say, “Why does a woman want to study!?” (Participant, 2) “I got married as a child. I didn’t know anything. Now that I want to have a job, I don’t have any skills. “I wish I hadn’t gotten married.” (Participant, 3) “I was good at tailoring.” I was learning fashion design with my aunt. She always told me that I had the best talent. But when I got married, I could continue my work only for a month. Then I knew that I was pregnant. “I got busy with child care and quit my work.” (Participant, 19)

Many children are forced to drop out of school after marriage and are forced to stay at home as housewives, having no financial independence because they are neither educated nor skilled.

Positive Consequences

Marriage in childhood is not only associated with negative consequences; in some cases, these marriages can be useful and improve the lives and health of young girls, or at least save them from the bad conditions of the paternal family.

1—Gaining support and empowerment

This category consists of the subcategories of receiving intra-family support, improving living conditions, and the opportunity for progress and empowerment.

Receiving intra-family support. Young brides enjoyed a lot of prestige in their husband’s family, receiving more attention and support due to the existing social and cultural norms of the study area. In some cases, where the bride and groom were both very young, their families, and especially the groom’s family, had a duty to fully support them. The young couples received more financial support, and in some cases, they were paid living expenses for years. Paying living expenses for a young couple can relieve them of the worries of having a job, and thus, they can continue their education. Besides, young couples may have very little sexual knowledge at the beginning, so their family members, especially the women, can provide the young bride with information about the ways of having sex, etc. Of course, providing this kind of information has decreased in recent years because, with the expansion of internet access, young couples can find the information they need. In most cases, young brides who had lived with the husband’s family for a few years received more support from his family during pregnancy and childbirth. Because most of the child-related work was done by the mother-in-law or sister-in-law. However, if the bride is not young, none of this support may be provided. Thus, such situations can be considered one of the positive consequences of early marriage for girls.

“I didn’t know anything about married life, but my sister-in-law, who had an early marriage, explained everything to me before the wedding.”(Participant, 13) “My husband and I were both very young, so my father helped us, and my husband’s family didn’t let us be under much pressure.” They said, “You’re too young; we have to take care of you.” (Participant, 16) “When I told my mother-in-law that I was pregnant, she got very happy.” She told me not to worry at all, and she would take care of my baby herself. Indeed, it was as she said. She did everything related to my baby until my baby reached 3 years old. (Participant, 9)

Young couples were supported more by their families after marriage, as early marriage was accepted by the parents in the study area.

Improving living conditions

There were a lot of demands for marriage with adolescent girls. Some of these girls, who lived in families with poor economic and social conditions, could save their lives and their families’ lives by marrying people who had better economic and social status. In some cases, this change in their economic and social status may lead to their inner satisfaction with early marriage.

“I lived in a poor family. When I got married, my situation changed a lot. I had things I couldn’t even dream of. “It’s true that my husband is 10 years older than me, but I’m very happy with my life.” (Participant, 7) “My father was an addict, and he sold drugs.” Our house was always full of addicts. My uncle was always very worried that my father’s friends would hurt me. That’s why he adopted me as his son. He supported us a lot. We have the best life now. Maybe if I hadn’t gotten married sooner, my life would have been ruined, and I would have killed myself. (Participant, 27)

In some cases, girls living in economically and socially disadvantaged families made significant changes to their lives through early marriage. The early marriage made it easier for them to achieve better conditions, so this made them happy and satisfied.

Opportunities for progress and empowerment

Some women who dropped out of school in their singlehood due to financial and social limitations were able to resume their studies after marriage with the support of their husbands and even be accepted to university. This led to their inner satisfaction. Some of the other participants were able to pursue their favorite hobbies and activities, gain skills in various fields, and have a job that was not possible for them in their single life due to their financial and social restrictions.

“Before I got married, I dropped out of school. After marriage, my husband helped me to continue my study. He was the teacher of the village. My mother-in-law helped with the housework. That’s why I spent most of my time studying. I was accepted in the entrance exam of the University of Medical Sciences. Maybe if I hadn’t gotten married, I wouldn’t have thought about studying.” (Participant, 21) “Before I got married, I really wanted to be a hairdresser, but my family didn’t allow me. After marriage, my husband took me to hairdressing courses. “Now I have a hair salon, and I am really happy with my life.” (Participant, 7) “When my first child was born, I felt very good.” I felt like I matured. I enjoyed seeing that I could take care of my kid. I did my best to take care of her in the best possible way. “When all my husband’s family members praised me, my self-confidence increased.” (Participant, 22) “My husband is a good person and helps me a lot to be someone for myself.” When I finished my sewing class and got a job, I felt good about myself. “I feel like I can do anything well.” (Participant, 21) “I enjoy seeing everyone count on me and get help and advice from me in their work, especially when my husband’s family or my family is complimenting me in front of others.” (Participant, 13)

Some of the participants grew up in families that put a lot of restrictions on them and prevented them from doing what they loved to do, but by getting married, these restrictions were removed and they pursued their favorite interests and skills, and this issue has led to the development of their talents. Some other women who were able to cope with life’s problems after marriage also felt good, which made them more satisfied.

The aim of this study was to explore the consequences of early marriage among Kurdish women in western Iran. The results showed that early marriage was associated with severe negative consequences that could jeopardize the future of women and their families. But in a substantial number of cases—nearly a quarter of participants—early marriage had positive consequences for them. It made positive differences in their lives.

Physical weakness and illness were some of the consequences of early pregnancy, which could be due to the fact that these women were married at a time when their bodies had not yet completed the growth process and they were not ready to face the stress of pregnancy and childbirth. The occurrence of physical problems among women who are early married has also been shown in previous studies. 25 In this regard, another physical consequence of early marriage was high-risk pregnancy and childbirth, which was repeatedly mentioned by women. It may also be due to incomplete pelvic growth and possibly the synchronization of pregnancy and puberty development. These consequences had also been shown in previous studies. 26 , 27 Adhikari et al also found that women who married under the age of 18 had more unwanted pregnancies than other women. 28 Adolescent women did not have any understanding of marital relations and early pregnancy after marriage. So, they got pregnant very quickly without wanting to, and neither their bodies were ready for such a pregnancy nor were they mentally ready to accept it. Thus, the process of pregnancy and childbirth was difficult and painful for them. This could endanger the health of the child and the mother, leading to multiple abortions. One of the main reasons for early pregnancy in these women was the low awareness and weak communication skills of these women and their husbands; therefore, the need for continuous instruction before and after marriage to help these couples was becoming more apparent. Marriage education and telephone counseling can be one of the strategies to help women plan for pregnancy and childbirth in order to prevent negative consequences.

Emotional and psychological problems were another consequence of early marriage, which were frequently mentioned by the participants in this study. Women who married young had different and unfavorable experiences in their lives. Since they spent most of their life periods (childhood, adolescence, etc.) experiencing being forced and without being satisfied, they had different conditions from their peers, and this led to a kind of yearning and remorse in them. Marriage in childhood also deprives many girls of the opportunity to continue their education and employment. This had led to longing and regret for them, which bothered them. In this line, challenges such as depression, suicide ideation and attempt, feelings of inferiority, and low self-confidence were other psychological problems at the individual level that were mentioned. A study conducted by Uecker found that early marriage had a negative effect on women’s mental health. 29 Research by John et al and Daraz et al also showed that women who experienced early marriage had psychological problems, such as stress, depression, and anxiety. 30 , 31 Many married women were unprepared to experience any of the realities of their lives and never received training on how to deal with them, which puts them under a lot of stress. Failure to provide a proper response can lead to suicide. In 2019, the study of Lebni et al conducted in the Kurdish regions of Iran (the study area of this study), found that forced marriage was one of the important determinants of women’s self-immolation. 32 Gage, in his study, found a significant association between early marriage and suicide attempts. 33 This is one of the issues that requires mental health intervention for couples who have early marriages.

The findings of this study indicated that women who married as children frequently experienced emotional and sexual dissatisfaction and conflict. In some cases, they stated that they were forced to continue their marital relationship, and if they had suitable conditions or received more support from their father’s family, they would no longer be willing to continue the married life. The study of Hajihasani and Sim, conducted in Iran, explored that women who had the experience of early marriage had low satisfaction with marital life. 8 Emotional divorce was another noticeable consequence of early marriage in this study, which has been less discussed in previous studies. Some women stated that they did not have a stable relationship with their husbands in their married lives and that they were only physically together and did not have any emotional interactions with each other. Tilson and Larsen also reported that early marriage could lead to divorce. 34 This can also be due to the fact that early marriages are not based on real knowledge and interest and occur mostly by force or due to irrelevant reasons such as coercion, war, economic problems, etc.

Experiencing all kinds of violence was one of the family consequences of early marriage in this study. Most previous research had shown that early marriage sets the stage for violence. 16 , 35 - 37

The experience of having lots of responsibility while they had not yet completed childhood was another family problem of early marriage. Most participants stated that they had some sort of identity conflict due to having lots of responsibilities at the same time. These women were forced to take on the responsibilities of wives while they were still children, and after having children, the responsibilities of mothers were added. Since most of these women lived with their husbands’ families, they were forced to take on more responsibility, which put a lot of pressure on them.

Lack of autonomy due to a lack of awareness and a lack of life knowledge and skills was another important consequence of early marriage in this study. The results showed that women who got married early had a weak position in family life, and many life decisions were made by their husbands or even the husband’s family. Research conducted by Mardi et al also found that women who experienced early marriage were less independent in family life. 18

In response to these problems, some of the women had high-risk behaviors, such as having relationships outside of the family, having the desire to run away from home, and having the desire for alcohol and smoking. In this study, in contrast to previous research that studied the association of early marriage with prostitution and AIDS, 38 - 40 there was no prostitution among any of the samples that could refer to the social and cultural conditions of the study area because most women in this study lived in villages or small towns where everyone knew each other and could not engage in prostitution. Of course, it should be noted that there were tendencies to run away from home and have an emotional relationship outside the family.

Lack of access to social and health services was one of the interesting findings in this study. For instance, women who experienced early marriage had the greatest need for social and health services. This may be because young women are not literate enough to use these services and may also be restricted by their husbands and unable to use them. Paul and Chouhan also reported in a study of Indian women that women who married under the age of 18 had less access to maternal health care than other women. 41

Lack of access to opportunities for education and employment was another finding of this study that led women to social isolation with early marriage, and it is consistent with previous research. 42 , 43 Most women who married as children were forced to drop out of school and had no chance of learning job skills, which in turn made them weak and fragile and led to other problems. Beattie et al considered staying in school to be a way to prevent children from marrying and falling into the trap of prostitution. 39 Therefore, strategies and interventions should be provided to complete the education and training of women who marry early.

Although the negative consequences of an early marriage outweighed the positive consequences, one of the important findings was that a quarter of the women reported positive results of early marriages, and in contrast to previous studies that showed only negative consequences, this study revealed the fact that women’s marriages in certain family contexts, such as parental addiction and poor family circumstances, had exceptionally improved women’s condition. This, however, cannot be generalized and requires further investigation when these outcomes are positive. One of the positive results was receiving more family support. Some young women said that after marriage, they were supported by their and their husband’s families in issues such as sex and marriage, finance, and childcare. These supports are rooted in a cultural belief that gives the young bride more value and dignity, and in the community under study, having a young bride is considered an advantage, so families are more supportive of their young brides. The improvement of life conditions was another desirable consequence of early marriage. This finding adds to previous research showing that early marriage under certain conditions may have positive outcomes, but in total, negative outcomes outweigh the positive ones. Providing opportunities for progress and empowerment was another new and thought-provoking finding in this study that occurred in a limited number of cases. The results showed that early marriage changed the living conditions of some women by developing their talents. In fact, with their marriages and the support of their husbands, the women who dropped out of school before marriage were able to return to school to learn and develop their favorite skills. This caused them to have high self-confidence and self-efficacy. This finding could be the basis for future research on the conditions under which a woman’s early marriage had positive consequences.

Strengths and Limitations

This research is one of the few studies that has qualitatively examined the consequences of early marriage in Iran, especially in Kurdish areas that have their own social and cultural context. So, it can provide first-hand information for policymakers, social workers, and activists in the field of children and women in order to have a proper plan to reduce the negative consequences of this phenomenon. Another strength of the present study was that the researchers were natives of the study area and had the experience of conducting several studies on women’s problems. Hence, they were well acquainted with the characteristics and social customs of that region. They obtained the women’s consent to participate in the research in a better way, and they created such an atmosphere for the interviews that the women shared their information more easily with them.

However, there were some limitations to this study. The first limitation was the lack of familiarity of the women studied with the process of qualitative research and their fear of participating in the research. The researchers could attract their attention by explaining the process of interviews and publishing results, as well as by using a woman researcher familiar with the qualitative study. The study was conducted only among women who were married under the age of 18 and were less than 25 years old at the time of the interview. So, it can be said that the results of our study mostly showed the short-term consequences of early marriage. Therefore, it is suggested that further studies be conducted among older women to reveal the long-term effects and consequences of early marriage. Besides, this study was conducted only among one of the Iranian ethnic groups (Kurds), who have a different social and cultural structure than other Iranian ethnic groups, so these results cannot be considered a complete representation of Iranian society. According to the findings, it is suggested to carry out qualitative research with the title “Exploring the long-term consequences of early marriage” and “Exploring the consequences of early marriage from the perspective of men.”

The results showed that early marriage caused many individual, family, and social problems for women that could endanger their health, but in a limited number of cases, early marriage had some positive consequences, such as receiving intra-family support, improving living conditions, and eventually creating an opportunity for progress and empowerment. Therefore, in the first stage, early marriage should be prevented, but if it happens, in order to reduce the negative effects and consequences, young men and women can be educated and provided with conditions for having a less dangerous pregnancy and childbirth. Hence, providing necessary training and psychological counseling on how to deal with personal and married life problems with appropriate health and social services is necessary.

Supplemental Material

Acknowledgments.

The authors would like to thank all the participants who patiently participated.

Authors’ Contributions: Javad Yoosefi Lebni: Methodology, Formal analysis, Investigation, Writing—original draft, Supervision. Mahnaz Solhi: Conceptualization,—review & editing. Farbod Ebadi Fard Azar: Conceptualization,—review & editing, Supervision. Farideh Khalajabadi Farahani: Methodology, Data curation, Formal analysis, Investigation, Writing—original draft, Supervision. Seyed Fahim Irandoost: Investigation, Methodology.

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding: The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Ethics Approval and Consent to Participate: The study was approved by the Ethics Committee of Iran University of Medical Sciences (Code: IR.IUMS.REC.1397.1225). Written consent was obtained from all participants. In addition, the researchers obtained written consent from the spouses of the participants who were under 18 years of age.

Supplemental Material: Supplemental material for this article is available online.

• Research article
• Open access
• Published: 14 December 2020

Early marriage and women’s empowerment: the case of child-brides in Amhara National Regional State, Ethiopia

• Mikyas Abera 1 ,
• Ansha Nega 2 ,
• Yifokire Tefera 2 &
• Abebaw Addis Gelagay 3  

BMC International Health and Human Rights volume  20 , Article number:  30 ( 2020 ) Cite this article

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Women, especially those who marry as children, experience various forms and degrees of exclusion and discrimination. Early marriage is a harmful traditional practice that continues to affect millions around the world. Though it has declined over the years, it is still pervasive in developing countries. In Ethiopia, Amhara National Regional State (or alternatively Amhara region) hosts the largest share of child-brides in the country. This study aimed at assessing the effects of early marriage on its survivors’ life conditions – specifically, empowerment and household decision-making – in western Amhara.

This study employed community-based cross-sectional study design. It adopted mixed method approach – survey, in-depth interview and focus group discussion (FGD) – to collect, analyse and interpret data on early marriage and its effects on household decision-making processes. The survey covered 1278 randomly selected respondents, and 14FGDs and 6 in-depth interviews were conducted. Statistical procedures – frequency distribution, Chi-square, logistic regression – were used to test, compare and establish associations between survey results on women empowerment for two groups of married women based on age at first marriage i.e., below 18 and at/after 18. Narratives and analytical descriptions were integrated to substantiate and/or explain observed quantitative results, or generate contextual themes.

This study reported that women married at/after 18 were more involved in household decision-making processes than child-brides. Child-brides were more likely to experience various forms of spousal abuse and violence in married life. The study results illustrated how individual-level changes, mainly driven by age at first marriage, interplay with structural factors to define the changing status and roles of married women in the household and community.

Age at first marriage significantly affected empowerment at household level, and women benefited significantly from delaying marriage. Increase in age did not automatically and unilaterally empowered women in marriage, however, since age entails a cultural definition of one’s position in society and its institutions. We recommend further research to focus on the nexus between the household and the social-structural forms that manifest at individual and community levels, and draw insights to promote women’s wellbeing and emancipation.

Peer Review reports

Early marriage is any marriage entered into before one reaches the legal age of 18 [ 1 , 2 , 3 ]. Though both boys and girls could marry early, the norm in many countries around the world is that more girls than boys marry young and someone older [ 3 ]. In Mauritania and Nigeria, for instance, “more than half of married girls aged 15-19 have husbands who are 10 or more years older than they are” [ 3 ].

Resilient and interlinked socioeconomic and normative factors (e.g. poverty, illiteracy, traditionalism, patriarchy, etc.) undermine women’s status, capabilities and choices, and ensure early marriage continues unabated in many developing countries [ 4 ]. As a harmful traditional practice, though it is more common in developing than developed countries, there are substantial variations between and within regions of the world and countries [ 3 , 5 , 6 , 7 ]. For instance, half of the world’s child-brides live in South Asia; and, while early marriage is still most common in Sub-Saharan Africa, between them, these two regions host the 10 countries with the highest rates of early marriage [ 3 , 5 , 8 ].

By early 2000s, 59% of Ethiopian girls were marrying before 18 [ 9 ]. Footnote 1 As in the rest of Sub-Saharan Africa, early marriage in Ethiopia is gendered with only 9% of men aged 25–49 been married by 18 [ 10 , 11 ]. Its effects are diverse and wide-ranging [ 3 , 4 ]. In its onset, early marriage effectively ends childhood by limiting its victims’ opportunities for schooling, skills acquisition, personal development and even mobility. It also increases the risks of early onset of sex, adolescent pregnancy and childbearing, etc. [ 12 , 13 ] whose negative outcomes are amplified by girls’ undeveloped physique and lack of or inadequate knowledge on healthy sexual and reproductive behaviours. Cumulatively, these effects of early marriage undermine girls’ and young women’s health, psychosocial wellbeing and overall quality of life [ 14 , 15 , 16 ].

Early marriage is not only a serious public health issue. It also exacerbates domestic violence [ 17 ] and undermines women’s status and decision-making powers [ 18 , 19 ]. It increases women’s risk of intimate partner sexual violence, for it is built on spousal age gap, power imbalance, social isolation and lack of female autonomy. Globally, some 30% of girls (aged 15–19) experience violence by partners [ 20 ]. Bangladeshi women married during their adolescence, for instance, are subject to increased domestic violence and loss of autonomy, which, nonetheless, improved with their educational attainment [ 21 ]. Child-brides, specifically, are twice as likely as adult-brides to experience domestic violence [ 22 ]. This is partly because child-brides are more likely to be uneducated, poor and adherents to traditional gender norms [ 3 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 ].

Child-brides are mostly isolated with restricted mobility and limited opportunities for independent living. Those who had been going to school would be coerced to discontinue when they marry, and those who have not been to school, the hope to do so dies on their wedding day. In Tach-Gaynt Woreda of Amhara region, for instance, 69% of young women marry early. Between 2009 and 2014, females represented 61% primary school dropouts in the Woreda; and, 34% of female school dropouts mentioned early marriage as the main reason. If child-brides want to start/continue schooling, a rare approval must come from husbands and/or families. In rural communities of Ethiopia, including Amhara region, the ‘good wife’ is primarily pictured in terms of what she accomplishes at home and for the husband, children and the elderly in the family and kinship.

Against the backdrop of mounting calls for legal and policy changes, Ethiopia introduced provisions [ 10 ] to redress gender inequalities and discrimination in its most recent Constitution (1995; Article 35:3) [ 27 ]; it has also revised its Family (2000) and Penal (2005) Codes to, among other things, raise the age of legal consent for women to 18 (from 15). Ethiopia’s latest Education and Training Policy [ 28 ] introduced provisions to reorient societal attitude towards and valuation of women in education, training and development. More profoundly, and partly due to international pressure, in 2013, Ethiopia spelled out its commitment to eradicate early marriage by 2025 in the National Strategy and Action Plan on Harmful Traditional Practices against Women [ 29 ]. These and other relevant documents informed governmental and nongovernmental interventions to remove barriers, including early marriage, to young women’s personal advancement and empowerment, and taking effect at individual, institutional, national and cultural levels.

Accordingly, age at first marriage has been increasing over the years in Ethiopia [ 9 ]; nonetheless, its reported scale and rate are suspect for two main reasons. First, the Ethiopian Demographic and Health Survey (EDHS) defines age at first marriage as the age at which partners begin living together under one roof [ 29 ], despite the fact that many early marriages in Ethiopia allow spouses to start living together only a few years later as in the cases of promissory or child marriages [ 4 ]. Second, systematic underreporting or omission is a high possibility, which would lower the magnitude of early marriage among girls than boys as the latter commonly delay marriage. Criminal prosecution under the Revised Family Code (Article 7) could also induce underreporting or deliberate omission of early marriages.

Though there needs to be caution in interpreting statistics on early marriage in Ethiopia, it has been amply documented that Ethiopian women’s low social status explains their limited rights and odds to assume duties, roles and authority on equal terms as their male counterparts [ 9 , 30 ]. Early marriage, one manifestation of this violence, is intimately linked with gender, poverty and illiteracy in rural Ethiopia [ 30 ]. Rural women tend to marry younger than those in urban areas, while patriarchy and the feminization of poverty, illiteracy and low educational attainment play crucial role in perpetuating the imbalance [ 9 , 30 ].

There are studies that document strong association between early marriage and poverty. UNICEF reports that one in three girls in low- to middle-income countries will marry before 18 [ 3 , 31 ]. Nonetheless, though many see a strong link between poverty and early marriage, the correlation is never monotonic. Family riches are not guarantee to avoid early marriage. With growing population and land shortages, girls from better-off families who stand to inherit valuable resources have become easy targets for sustained solicitations by those who desire to ‘marry-into’ wealth. Conversely, poor families generally resort to early marriage as a strategy to reduce economic vulnerability. In both scenarios, however, early marriage is seen as a mechanism to strengthen ties between families, evade the risk of daughters engage in premarital sex (and lose their virginity and/or become pregnant) or pass the culturally defined ‘desirable age’ for marriage (and become unmarriable).

The sociocultural consequences of becoming pregnant outside wedlock are harsh as they go against deep-rooted cultural norms that tie girls’ chastity and sexual purity before marriage to their family honor as well as their marriageability. Most parents fear delaying marriage makes sexual encounters imminent – consented or otherwise – that disgraces the family and tarnishes girls’ reputation and, subsequently, marriage prospects.

Within Ethiopia, girls in some regional states are more likely to marry early; and, Amhara region has the highest prevalence of early marriage with 50% of girls marrying at 15, and 80% marrying at 18 [ 32 , 33 ]. In 2014, 74% of women [ 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 ] in the region married before 18, significantly higher than the national average of 41% [ 2 ]. To put this in perspective, “a girl born in [Amhara region] is three times as likely as the girl born in Addis Ababa to marry early” [ 3 ].

Reports on improving inter-generational age at first marriage at national level puts the persistently high prevalence of early marriage in Amhara region in a curious light [ 34 ]. In the region, early marriage is deeply entrenched in religious and cultural norms where sex before marriage is a blow to a girl’s marriageability, for her worth lies in her sexual purity, her future role as a devout wife and mother, and her commitment to family honor [ 35 ]. Hence, despite proactive laws, institutional structures and project interventions, early marriage grew adept and continues to affect the lives of many under different guises.

Due to its myriad nature [ 36 , 37 ], on the other hand, eradicating early marriage requires simultaneously addressing its various dimensions and promoting girls’ empowerment through education, institutional support structures and community development programs. Informed by a mixed-methods approach, thus, this study aimed at informing such types of interventions at national and regional levels by identifying its association with women’s empowerment at three Zones (North Gondar, South Gondar and West Gojjam) of Amhara region – the regional State with “one the world’s highest rates of child marriage” (and the highest in Ethiopia) where “most unions take place without girls consent” [ 38 ]. The effects of early marriage go beyond the child-brides and their children, for they severely undermine national and global progress on a variety of Sustainable Development Goals, i.e., Agenda-2030. In light of this, this interdisciplinary study, falls within the current research priority agenda of promoting evidence-based policymaking and interventions [ 39 ] to mitigate early marriage as a resilient sociocultural problem – both from a human rights standpoint and meeting the Sustainable Development Goals targets.

Theoretically, systems theory, with its roots in Ludwig von Bertalanffy’s general systems theory, informs this study [ 40 , 41 , 42 ]. General systems theory argues that all entities – physical, biological, chemical, social, etc. – are complex, structured and dynamic systems, and they constitute sub-systems or units that interact with one another as well as the external environment. His theory advanced remarkably over the years with applications in biology [ 43 , 44 , 45 ], economics [ 46 , 47 , 48 ], psychiatry [ 49 , 50 ] and sociology [ 51 , 52 , 53 , 54 ], among others.

In the field of family studies, systems theory has been used to study family or marriage as an interactional system, whereby patterns in members’ behaviors reflect interdependencies and communications amongst each other and with their normative environment, primarily – rather than their idiosyncrasies. As such, it brings at least two advantages to the current study: firstly, it allows us to understand the norms that structure families, marital relations, individual choices and decisions; secondly, it helps us unravel the tensions between agency and structure i.e., how changes at individual, family and cultural levels feed on each other to make family or marriage a dynamic interactional system capable of recalibrating its functions, communications, etc. vis-à-vis subsystems other systems in its sociocultural milieu [ 55 , 56 ].

Using systems theory, hence, this study explores the effects of early marriage on child-brides interactional outcomes of a series of factors, including individuals’ personal convictions, the function of marriage (for instance, marriage in traditional societies is primarily a cultural arrangement that decent groups use to cement desirable alliances), normative definitions of sex, sexuality, etc. In other words, this study will treat early marriage as part of a broader, normative system where decisions or actions cannot be random but aim to create, maintain or re-create a state of equilibrium. Consensus, conflict, abuse or violence in a family, as Stratus puts it, can viewed as, primarily, products of the system than individual pathology [ 55 ]. Factors that perpetuate any of these scenarios in a family are embedded within the very fabric of the culture and norm that structure the family institution and relations among members i.e., individuals cannot randomly opt out of the norms of the system patterns without suffering consequences for their indiscretions or violations.

Description of the study area

The Amhara region is one of the 10 regional states and 2 city administrations that make-up the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. Footnote 2 The region has an estimated population of 21.13million, with 90.85% residing in rural areas. Agriculture is the mainstay of residents in rural areas, with tourism, services and commerce creating the majority of jobs for urbanites. In 2013, Net Enrolment Rate at primary level was 93%, with gender parity at 0.95 [ 57 ]. The national adult literacy rate was 41.5% in 2012 [ 58 ].

This study covered 7 administrative districts – five Woredas and two cities – located in three Zones – North Gondar, Footnote 3 South Gondar, West Gojjam – of northwestern Amhara region i.e., Chilga (Code.01), Gondar Zuria (Code.02), Libo-Kemkim (Code.05), Derra (Code.06) and Yèlma-èna-Dénsa (Code.07) Woredas , and cities of Gondar (Code.03) and Bahir Dar (Code.04). These districts are of varying sizes and they are subdivided into Kebeles – smallest administrative unit in the Ethiopian federal structure. The fieldwork was conducted between January and April 2017.

Study population

This study covered all women who had had their first marriage within 10-years prior to the fieldwork, irrespective of their current marital status, in western Amhara region. The 10-years timeline provided a reasonably representative group of married women who would furnish sufficient data to assess changes in the incidence, prevalence and multifaceted effects of early marriage on their life conditions.

Study design

This study employed a mixed method approach involving quantitative and qualitative methods. A cross-sectional study design with descriptive and analytical components enabled a comparative assessment of the effects of early marriage on women’s empowerment in the domestic sphere. Theoretically, system theory informs the discussion, analysis and interpretation of data i.e., by taking into account both individual (e.g., age) and ecological (e.g., cultural value, public policy) factors as they interact and affect actors’ behaviors (in this case, interpersonal interactions and decision-making) at household level.

Methods of the study

Survey, focus group discussions (FGDs) and in-depth interviews generated relevant data on married women. A representative sample of 1278 married women were surveyed to gathered data on the prevalence and outcomes of early marriage in western Amhara region. Qualitative methods – FGD and in-depth interview – were used to assess married women’s experiences, community perceptions and values on (early) marriage, appropriate age of marriage, and impact of early marriage and community change-actors, among others. Critical desk-review of relevant documents generated perspectives and insights to triangulate the results of primary data.

Sample size

Survey sample size was calculated using a single population formula, by assuming the proportion of early marriage in Ethiopia among married women whose age less than 24-years at 41% [ 2 ], with 95% confidence level and 4% margin of error: 581 . But after considering design effect for two-stage cluster sampling (*2) and non-response rate (*10%), the final survey sample size was determined at 1278 (=581*2 + (581*.10)).

To collect qualitative data, 2 types of FGDs were conducted in each of the 7 districts with, on average, 8 discussants: FGD 1 , with child-brides – a mixed length of age at first marriage i.e., 1–5 years and 6–10 years, and their residential place i.e., rural or urban; and, FGD 2 , with representatives of community leaders, elders, law enforcement officers, parents, school directors and governmental and non-governmental organizations working on children and girls. In total, 14 FGDs were conducted.

Sampling procedure

Probability and purposive sampling techniques were used, respectively, for survey, and FGD and in-depth interview. Firstly, 7 districts – 5 Woredas (Chilga, Gondar Zuria, Derra, Libo-Kemkim and Yèlma-èna-Dénsa) and 2 cities (Gondar and Bahir Dar) – of Amhara region were identified, for they host community intervention projects intended to curb early marriage. Secondly, 4 Kebeles from each district were selected and the sampling procedure accounted for differences among districts in their residential pattern (urban vs. rural) and availability of community intervention projects (beneficiaries vs. non-beneficiaries). Specifically, the sampling procedure followed a 3:1 urban: rural ratio for the two cities, and the reverse for the 5 Woredas . Finally, the 1278 survey sample was distributed to each Kebele based on its population size and the number of women in reproductive age (ages, 15-49). Using Kebele residents’ rosters as sampling frame, a random – and proportionate – sample of households were selected for the survey from each Kebele .

Data collection tools and procedure

All data collection tools (enumerator-administered questionnaire, and FGD and in-depth interview guides) were initially designed in English. They were translated into Amharic, and then back to English – forward-and-backward translation – to ensure their validity and consistency. The questionnaire was pilot-tested at Teda Kebele of North Gondar Zone, a Kebele excluded from the survey, to check for its validity, reliability and consistency. The pilot improved the questionnaire’s completeness, appropriateness, conciseness and relevance as well as the feasibility of the fieldwork.

Twenty-eight females were employed as survey enumerators from World Vision–Ethiopia’s roster of data collectors that documents trained, experienced, locally-resourceful youth for possible recruitment as enumerators, interviewers, guides, etc. in research projects. These enumerators and local guides underwent 2-days intensive training on research methods, data collection tools, interviewing skills, etc. including running mock-interview sessions. After the training, they administrated survey questionnaires by travelling from household to household. They, before asking survey questions, were required to explain the objective of the study, requested for informed consent to participate in the study and checked respondents’ profile for eligibility i.e., women married within 10 years during the fieldwork.

Two types of FGDs, 14 in total, were conducted: FGD 1 involved child-brides who were identified and invited by enumerators during the survey; and, discussants for FGD 2 were identified based on their knowledge of the problem of early marriage in the study area and approached via administrative channels. Finally, 6 in-depth interviews were conducted with child-brides, chosen purposively as their experiences vividly illustrate the effects of early marriage on women’s empowerment.

After inquiring about preferences and confirming with participants, FGDs and in-depth interviews were conducted in facilities and spaces convenient to all such as offices of World Vision–Ethiopia, Gender and Legal Affairs, and Youth Centers. These facilities and spaces were assessed beforehand for their cleanliness, calm, safety and accessibility as well as falling outside non-participants’ earshot and possible intrusions. On average, FGDs and in-depth interviews took, respectively, 60 and 40 min to complete. Authors conducted FGDs and interviewed child-brides.

Data management and analysis

For the survey, all filled and returned questionnaires were checked for completeness and consistency of responses. Once survey data collection was finalized, 3 experienced data encoders entered questionnaire data into Epi-Info and later transferred to SPSS [ 20 ] as data-sets for cleaning, organization and analysis. Descriptive and inferential statistics were employed to determine, among others: the prevalence of early marriage; the incidences and magnitude of bad outcomes of early marriage on women’s decision-making; and, community’s perception on early marriage and appropriate age of marriage. Binary logistic regression models were used determine the likely occurrence of different forms of disempowerment in two groups of women i.e., those married before 18 and those married at/after 18. A p -value of 0.05 was used as a cut-off point to determine statistical significance.

Regarding FGDs and in-depth interviews, all sessions, with the consent of participants, were digitally recorded. Audio-files were later transcribed, post-coded and categorized under core thematic areas. Thematic content analysis provided insights into the nature, community perception and drivers of early marriage and changes. Analytical descriptions and quotes from FGDs and in-depth interviews were used to triangulate, contextualize or explain survey results. Narrated texts, graphs and tables were used to present results according to the nature of the information derived.

In quoting directly from FGDs and in-depth interviews, codes were used to refer to the method, source and location (districts). Accordingly, FGD-R01, for instance, refers to an FGD conducted with representatives of relevant stakeholders (i.e., R) in Chilga Woreda of North Gondar Zone (i.e., 01). Similarly, Interview-S07 refers to an interview conducted with child-brides (i.e., S) in Yèlma-èna-Dénsa Woreda of West Gojjam Zone (i.e., 07).

Ethical considerations

Data for this article are taken from a larger study the authors conducted on behalf of E 4 Y Project , a project run by World Vision-Ethiopia and cleared for appropriate ethical standards at national and regional levels. On behalf of the authors, World Vision–Ethiopia supplied official letters to the respective regional and district administration offices and provide support and facilitation as required.

During the fieldwork, study participants and/or parents/legal guardians (when participants were under the age of 18) were informed about the study objectives and the scope of their involvement beforehand. Verbal consent was obtained from participants or parents/guardians prior to commencing survey, interviews or FGDs. Privacy and confidentiality were granted and maintained during the survey, discussions or interviews. Confidentiality of digital recordings and transcribed data were strictly protected and this was explained to all participants. During FGDs and in-depth interviews, special attention was given to when asking sensitive questions based on local contexts. Participants’ concerns and questions were addressed before they provided individual, informed consents. There was no financial incentive offered to study participants. Nonetheless, participants who had to travel from distant Kebeles for study’s purpose were provided with transport allowance.

The preliminary findings of the study were presented and validated in a national validation workshop held at Bahir Dar city (Ethiopia) and in attendance were representatives of the community (including study participants) and relevant governmental and non-governmental organizations working on early marriage. Workshop participants reflected on the process and results of the study. The authors addressed the comments and questions raised during the workshop, and they revised the study report submitted to World Vision-Ethiopia.

The results and findings of the study are organized and presented in two sub-sections: (a) the prevalence of early marriage; and (b) early marriage and household decision-making in Amhara region. Let us start with the prevalence of early marriage and its variation among districts of the region.

The prevalence of early marriage in Amhara region

The survey covered 1278 married-women respondents, while 112 [ 6 ] participants took part in 14 FGDs (interviews). Of the 1278 respondents, 444 (34.7%) were married before the age of 18 Fig.  1 . Nonetheless, as Fig.  2 reports, there was variation in the prevalence rate of early marriage among districts in the study area: Derra (54.5%) and Yèlma-èna-Dénsa (49.7%) Woredas registered the highest, and the cities of Gondar (16.7%) and Bahir Dar (25.1%) the lowest rates of early marriage. With the regional prevalence rate of 32%, the results indicated that urbanization is inversely related to the prevalence rate of early marriage.

Prevalence of early marriage in Western Amhara, Ethiopia (Survey, 2017)

Comparatively, early marriage was high among Orthodox Christians (38.8%) and rural residents (40.6%). Regarding schooling, the proportion of child-brides increased from ‘no formal schooling’ (48.3%) to ‘primary level’ (52.6%), before it declined at junior (39.7%) and senior (28%) high-school levels. These results underlined rural residents and primary grades as potent entry points for any effective intervention, for 53% of primary graders and 41% of rural residents ended up marrying before 18.

Respondents’ age at first marriage ranged from 5 to 35 (M = 18.75; SD = 3.44); and, the lowest ages to start living with spouses and make sexual debut among respondents were, respectively, 9 (M = 18.93; SD = 3.25) and 10 (M = 18.80; SD = 3.11).

Among respondents primarily engaged in farming, on the other hand, 67.1% experienced early marriage, which is not unexpected since the prevalence of early marriage is high in rural areas where agriculture is the main employer of labor. Similarly, 39.3% those who produce and sell local alcoholic beverages were married before 18 (Fig. 2 ). These and the results presented above indicate that early marriage has pertinent impacts on and associations with young women’s education, economic development and wellbeing.

Prevalence and profile of early marriage in Amhara National Regional State, Ethiopia (Survey, 2017)

Early marriage and household decision-making in Amhara region

In this section, the effects of early marriage on young women’s empowerment at household decision-making processes are presented under five sections: early marriage, marital interactions and dysfunctions; early marriage and spouse abuse; early marriage and household management; early marriage, social interactions and procreation; and early marriage and healthcare.

Early marriage, marital relations and dysfunction

As Table  1 shows, respondents’ current living arrangement with first husband – which, though imperfectly, serves as a proxy to history of family dysfunction – significantly varies by their age at first marriage (χ 2  = 34.296; α = .001). Family dysfunction refers to processes that undermine the intactness of the family institution and members’ ability to procreate, socialize children and support each other in life. These processes include, among others, conflict, abuse, role-strain, apathy, separation, divorce and desertion. In this study, when respondents did not share households with their first husbands at the time of the survey, it was taken to imply some form of family dysfunction i.e., conflict, abuse, separation, divorce, etc. Specifically, while 82.4% of the respondents married at/after 18 were living with their first husbands, only 68.2% of those married before 18 did. In other words, grim by-products of marriage such as separation, divorce, desertion (and possible remarriage) seems to be forced on women who had their first marriage before 18 – the legal age of consent under the Ethiopian Civil Code.

To put it in context, a logit model predicts girls married before 18 are more than twice as likely (= e 0.137 ) as women married at/after 18 not to be with their first husband (Logit: χ 2  = 31.431; α = .001; Wald = 31.388; ß  = .770; Constant = 772 ) . Significantly more respondents married before 18 also dissolved their first marriage and remarried (42 (9.5%)) than those married at/after 18 (21 (2.5%)). Specifically, girls married before 18 are twice as likely as women married at/after 18 to dissolve their first marriage, and either establish a new one or become widow or single (χ 2  = 45.380; α = .001). For FGD participants at Libo Kemkim, these experiences tend to make the lives of child-brides grimmer:

Most of them [child-brides] would not have strong foundation to build their marriage on and end up being divorcees. After divorce, they migrate to urban areas and, due to lack of opportunities for education or employment, become street children or, worse, prostitutes. They are ghastly populating this cruel occupation. Many also migrate to Arab countries as divorce implies loss of livelihood [FGD_R06].

Mostly in rural communities of western Amhara region, underage girls enter into marriage without a personal, informed choice. For marriage generally is the result of the decision of parents and/or close kin, and it is culturally desirable for girls to marry men much older than themselves. But as they drop out of school and become child-mothers, several child-brides resented their husbands, parents and others who brokered and/or enabled the loss of their childhood:

It is a challenge to raise a child and taking care of household chores while still being a child! If I were to give birth now, I will be physically mature to take care of my duties effectively. I would have more time for myself too. I think marrying and giving birth as children have stunted our development … We do not lead a decent living and we do not cloth or clean up well. This is the result of our parents’ decision to marry us early …. [Moreover,] our children did not get the best we could have provided in care and protection. For lack of knowledge, we neglected them and this would not have happened if we married after we matured well enough. We do not clean them as required. Despite all this, we managed to see them grow. We do not want to see them grow repeating what we passed through, though. We want them to go to school, mature physically and mentally, enjoy life before they assume the responsibility of running a household the way we did/do [FGD_S05].

Early marriage and spouse abuse

Higher rates of first marriage dissolution, separation or desertion were not the only outcomes more likely associated with early marriage in the study population. Child-brides who remained married to their first husbands were highly vulnerable to spousal abuse and violence. Chi-square test of association (χ 2  = 11.311; α = .01), for instance, found that child-brides were more likely to experience spousal verbal abuse (46.9%) than women married at/after 18 (36.9%). Specifically, women married at/after 18 are 33% (= e 0.119 ) less likely to experience spousal verbal abuse than child-brides (Logit: χ 2  = 11.247; α = .001; Wald = 11.261; ß  = -.440; Constant = .797 ) . In a patriarchal society where both women and men accept some type of spousal abuse as a normality in marriage, the results show that delaying marriage until or past 18 was associated with small but statistically significant decline in spousal verbal abuse (Table 2 ).

Similarly, compared to those married at/after the legal age of 18, child-brides were also more likely to experience spousal beating (χ 2  = 8.090; α = .01) and non-consensual sex or marital rape (χ 2  = 36.903; α = .001) by their first husbands compared to woman married at/after 18. Specifically, women married at/after 18 were 38% (= e 0.171 ) and 58% (= e 0.145 ) less likely to experience spousal beating (Logit: χ 2  = 7.845; α = .01; Wald = 7.986; ß  = -.483; Constant = .694 ) spousal non-consensual sex (Logit: χ 2  = 35.520; α = .001; Wald = 35.712; ß  = -.866; Constant = .808 ) , respectively, as compared to child-brides.

Early marriage and household management

Child-brides were also more subservient/subordinate to their husbands in the administration of family possession and/or money (χ 2  = 21.428; α = .001). While 45% of child-brides reported the main responsibility to administer family possessions and/or money rested in the husband, less than one-in-three women married at/after 18 reported similar scenarios. Furthermore, the percentage of respondents who share the responsibility of administering family resources with their husbands increased from 51.6 to 65% among those married before and at/after 18 respectively.

Similarly, child-brides’ decision-making roles in major family transactions and activities e.g., buy or sell land, livestock, groceries, children’s clothing, etc. were significantly lower than women married as adults (χ 2  = 33.702; α = .001).

As a norm, Ethiopian women have the responsibility of taking care of family members including children, the elderly, etc. As Table  3 shows, decisions on how and when married women dispense with this role disproportionately involves husbands. Only 14 and 19% of respondents married before and at/after 18, respectively, were the main decision makers on buying groceries (χ 2  = 14.608; α = .01); and, 2 and 3% of those married before and at/after 18, respectively, had made decisions on purchasing children’s clothing (χ 2  = 10.799; α = .02). On a related note, collaborative decision-making on both issues and respondent age-categories improved at the expense of husbands’ share. Nonetheless, married women had better decision-making powers in purchasing groceries (17%) than children’s clothing (3%).

Early marriage, social interactions and procreation

As Table  4 depicts, women married at/after 18 were more likely to visit their families as per their own terms (6.8% vs. 3.2%) or in consultation with their husbands (69.4% vs. 59.9%) than succumbing to husbands’ unilateral decision (10.0% vs. 18.7%) as compared to child-brides (χ 2  = 31.830; α = .001). But, for both group of women, the decision to visit families is more likely to be shared than unilateral – save for some variation for husband’s share.

The (non) use of contraceptives is another indicator of women’s decision-making power at household level, and the results in Table 4 underline that husbands retained disproportionate power in deciding whether or not wives will use contraceptives (χ 2  = 17.781; α = .001) or when they can have a child (χ 2  = 21.231; α = .001) when wives’ age at first marriage was below 18. The majority of married women in both groups made shared decisions together with their husbands on both issues; but, percentage differentials between the two groups show that those married at/after 18 negotiated decisions on when to have a child (66.8% vs. 54.8%), or use contraceptives (79.5% vs. 68.6%) more often than child-brides. Note here also that those who marry at/after 18 (84%) are more likely than those who marry before 18 (79%) to have ever used contraceptives.

Early marriage and healthcare

With regard to receiving medical care (Table  5 ), statistically significant difference existed on who made decisions when wives fell ill (χ 2  = 10.734; α = .02): most decisions were shared (55.7%) or made unilaterally by husbands (24.7%). Between the two groups, women married at/after 18 were almost twice as likely as child-brides to decide on their own to seek or receive medical services when they fell ill. On the other hand, there was no statistically significant difference between spouses on who made the decision to seek medical treatment when children were the once who fell ill. Parental decision-making powers did not differ much when it was the child’s, rather than the mother’s, wellbeing at stake.

There is no statistically significant difference on who decides on place of child delivery (Table 5 ) – i.e., whether at home or health stations – (χ 2  = 5.070; α = .17). When it comes to mothers’ availing antenatal care (ANC), nonetheless, women married at/after 18 were more likely to decide together with their husbands (48.7% vs. 44.7%), or on their own (11.4% vs. 9.0%), than accept husbands’ unilateral decision (2.4% vs. 5.4%) as compared to child-brides (χ 2  = 11.573; α = .009). This is, however, assuming both group of women have comparable – availability and accessibility – reproductive health facilities and services, gender-mix of health professionals (husbands prefer women health professionals to deliver their babies), etc.

Similarly, on how decisions on children’s immunization/vaccination were made at household level, there was weak statistical difference between the married women depending on their ages at first marriage. But observed differences show that child-brides were twice more likely to accept husbands’ unilateral decisions (3.8% vs. 2.0%), or less likely to share the role with their husbands (33.8% vs. 39.6%), as compared to women married at/after 18. However, cautious interpretation of this result must take into account the weak statistical association between age at first marriage and decision making on children’s immunization/vaccination (χ 2  = 7.035; α = .071).

Building on the survey results, this section explores further – using narratives and discourses generated through FGDs and in-depth interviews – the main findings on the effects of early marriage on women’s empowerment in western Amhara region. The discussion is embedded within systems theory and follows similar structure of presentation as the results section.

The survey results showed that one-third of married-women in western Amhara region were affected by early marriage; and, they experience various forms of marital and family disorganizations i.e., divorce, separation, martial abuse, etc. They mostly marry older men and soon afterwards drop out of school. Education is generally ‘unthinkable’ for child-brides, FGD participants at Libo Kemkim explain:

The immediate result of early marriage is dropping out of school, if they were [still] in school at the time of marriage. Husbands want their wives to quit schooling [and become stay-at-home wives] too. If child-brides stay in school, they become persistent truants or repeat grades. More than half of them repeat grades. They do not get the necessary support they need to stay in school and be successful. They are also very much depressed and isolated from the school community and their classmates (FGD_R06).

But as child-brides get older, many grew aware of their missed opportunities due to a life imposed on them. While their age-mates be and act as they are supposed to i.e., children, they toil and serve the will of an outmoded tradition. A 16 years old child-bride in Derra Woreda laments,

I loved going to school and did well too …. But when I reached Grade-7, my mother started complaining why I wanted to continue going to school instead of getting married. She used to name girls in my neighbourhood who married younger than I was at the time …. Now, I’m jealous of my former classmates who still go to school and progress through grades …. I sometimes cry alone (Interview_S 1 05).

Child-brides become more and more isolated and restricted to the household as years go by. A child-bride who married at 15 and dropped out of school at 6th grade says, “I don’t see my friends frequently. They visit during weekends, since they have school during weekdays. This makes me sad and angry. Seeing them going to school with books and in uniforms, I feel sad and I want to cry” (Interview_S 2 05).

Child-brides were also more likely to experience early sexual debut and pregnancy – and probably suffer from medical complications. Childbirth effectively ends their childhood as they become child-mothers: “My brothers used to tease me about the way I carried my son around. I did not know how to do it right. But they supported me a lot in raising him” (Interview_S07).

As the survey results revealed, child-brides were more likely to sustain verbal abuse (47%) than martial rape (28%) or beating (16%) by first husbands than adult-brides. These incidents remain mostly unreported to authorities, unless they result in serious injuries – and even these may be kept as a family matter and dealt with discretely. For they are taken for granted aspects of married life or a trait of masculinity as the experience of a child-bride who married a 22-year-old man when she was 15 attests. When asked if her husband ever verbally or physical abused her, she replies, with a dismissive chuckle in her voice, “Isn’t he a man?! Of course, he swears and insults me when things are not in order at home” (Interview_S 2 05).

As patriarchal culture normalizes spouse abuse and violence, men tend to regularly use it to settle disagreements with and/or assert their authority over their wives. Mostly against child-brides, due to age gap, husbands may feel justified, or even required, to use force to ensure conformity to patriarchal norms of marital relations. In fact, survey results underlined the importance of age at first marriage whereby such scenarios are significantly reduced among women married at/after 18 – their delayed marriage gave them the time and maturity to influence the mate selection process and martial relations.

Child-brides, compared to women married at/after 18, were also consistently powerless in making or negotiating decisions with their husbands on important household matters. At best, they shared decision-making powers with their husbands, which, considering their broad definition of ‘shared’ decision-making process, may not tell us much about their real-live experiences. Furthermore, their roles in household decision-making processes varied by the activity under consideration. For instance, they were better involved when the decision is about buying groceries than children’s clothing. This is not contrary to the prevailing patriarchal norms, however, as groceries are ‘must-have’ but children’s clothing could be optional depending on other priorities, and it is on such matters that men retain the authority.

On the other hand, child-brides and adult-brides were not different regarding decisions on when and how often they visited their families. But there is more to the process than what meets the eye; and, it is related to parental approval of the union – from initiation to formation and maintenance – which puts the husband at ease when it comes to his wife visiting her parents/families. In other words, it only implies the husband temporarily transferring the locus of control from his house to her parents’. Furthermore, marriage involves the transference of rights between domestic groups, and there is always a scope for a wife to visit and contribute labour or services to her parents/family in such occasions as childbirth, pre- and post-natal care, weddings, death, etc. Footnote 4 A husband cannot refuse his wife these socially sanctioned visits and roles without risking ridicule and contempt. But he can negotiate the length of her family visit, which exemplifies one of the few contexts where some level of negotiation (and empowering scenario) is built into marriage norms for married women.

The role of child-brides in decisions on conceiving, spacing and number of children, however, paints the usual picture of disempowerment, and it is primarily related to the cultural value that children have in the study community. As a norm, early marriage is actually marriage between families with procreation i.e., generational continuity in its core. In western Amhara, children are also seen as blessings, making the use of contraceptives immoral, sinful and threat to the foundation of traditional marriage. In the eyes of the community, children make a family complete; and oftentimes, contraceptive use is discouraged especially among young brides, which explains why this study found fewer child-brides ever using contraceptives. Hence, if and when husbands resist the use of contraceptives, they have the cultural leverage to back it up. However, those who married at/after 18 were better placed to negotiate the terms as their marriage was most likely shaped by their preference – with varying levels of parental and family involvement, of course.

Child-brides responded to these scenarios differently. Some resigned and accepted their fate, while others, like the child-bride at Bahir Dar city, revolted: “My mother married me off to a 22-years-old man when I was only 10. I moved to his parents’ house. My in-laws were very old and I had to take care of them. I did everything around the house as well …. It was killing me. One morning, I just got up and left, and came to Bahir Dar” (Interview_S04).

Parents and families almost unilaterally and ubiquitously arrange early marriage – and they draw on cultural values to justify their decisive roles. But, with early marriage being illegal, they must proceed discretely not to alert authorities – legal departments, police, the courts, education officers, teachers, etc. – and, primarily, the girl-child herself or her friends. A legal officer at Addis Zemen Woreda (South Gondar) explains:

As people become aware of the legal repercussions, many [parents] are also getting creative to evade the law and marry-off children. Now, they use social events like Mahèber , Zèkèr or birthdays as covers. This has made modern day early marriage practices largely clandestine and illusive. Detecting or reporting it is becoming difficult (FGD_R06).

With ramped-up campaigns against early marriage, girls and young women are becoming self-aware of its illegality of early marriage and their rights to education. Self-assertive girls have learned to evade this yoking institution by refusing their parents’ wishes or, when that does not work, threatening to contact authorities. This explains why many child-brides were kept in the dark about such arrangements, making their first encounter with their husbands-to-be disillusioning: “My father arranged everything. He told me who I will marry and where I will live afterwards. I never knew the person before and the first time I saw him was when we went for medical Footnote 5 …. They said he was 20 at the time but he looked much older to me” (Interview_S 1 05).

Child-brides may accept their parents’ decisions to marry early for various reasons: to fulfil a terminally-ill parents’ wish to see their children forming a family; to escape poverty or help parents benefit from bride-wealth ( tèlosh ); to enable a family forge desirable alliance with a respected family through marriage; etc. But growing older brings opportunities of self-awareness and maturity for most child-brides. Their exposure to the world outside induces changes in their views, attitudes and behaviours – changes that test their resolve to continue respecting parents’ life-changing decisions. Husbands and parents usually treat this change as a sign of moral corruption and respond with corrective measures, abuse or violence. This explains why most child-brides are more prone to various forms of family disorganization, abuse or disempowerment compared to adult-brides.

There is a common thread in these discussions i.e., age. In Ethiopia, as in most other societies, 18 is more than just a number. It is the age of legal emancipation, which comes with the right to decide on one’s own or give independent consent to contractual agreements including marriage. However, most communities in the study area – bar for the two cities of Gondar and Bahir Dar – define girls’ readiness for marriage well below 18 – with stark contradiction to the Family Law. The Law may see the child in a girl below 18. But for people around her, she could be at ‘the right age’ to become, or start her journey to become, a good-wife and/or a good-mother.

As future household heads, on the other hand, boys are allowed to grow older, develop their life-skills, and become experienced and mature. They enjoy greater scope for experimentation and financial independence before venturing to form family. Conversely, since early childhood, girls are taught to regard marriage, family and motherhood as the good-woman’s virtues. As soon as girls’ physical development ‘catch the eye,’ the norm is for her parents to identify a suitable marriage plan. This scenario is intimately related to the gendered socialization of boys and girls in patriarchal societies like Ethiopia. A secondary school principal at Yèlma-èna-Dénsa Woreda concurs:

The [rural] community sees boys and girls differently. It marries girls early as protection from risks [such as rape, abduction or adolescent pregnancy as they traverse great lengths to and from school]. Moreover, parents do not have faith in girls to be successful in education and lead a decent life on their own as boys. They think marriage is the best way for girls to have a fruitful adult life. For boys, parents usual wait for them to reach their potential in education, or learn to stand on their feet. This, however, does not happen for [most] girls (FGD_R07).

Whether parents arrange marriage for their daughters depends on a unique definition of ‘an appropriate mate,’ FGD participants at Chilga Woreda add:

What parents and the community take into account during arranging early marriage [for a girl] is whether the groom-to-be can provide for her. They don’t consider its bad health or other effects in her life …. [As a norm,] Parents [could also agree] to give their daughter’s hands in marriage if they are convinced that a boy [or his family] is economically well and promise to let her continue her education …. But this promise rarely materializes [FGD_R01].

But to ensure a child-bride keeps a good home, she is preferred (i.e., arranged) to marry someone older with the means to provide for her and the cultural wisdom to make important decisions on household and broader matters. The arrangement works well for boys who postpone marriage till they acquire the means to provide for a family and administer its affairs.

Consequently, in a patriarchal arrangement where power lies in the hands of men and the husbands are usually older, child-brides remain structurally fixed to subservient position in their own marriages and houses. With largely ineffective systems to prevent early marriage or ensure child-brides’ safety and rights in an unlawful arrangement, husbands can easily draw on the patriarchal culture to impose their decisions, whereby consulting or involving wives becomes an indulgence they do well without. Even with changes that undermine patriarchal rules on marital relations, as Kolb and Straus argue, “individuals socialized to operate in one system of family organization may have difficulty [in] operating under new standards” [ 59 ].

Conclusions

Informed by systems theory and using a mixed methods approach, this study compared child- and adult-brides in western Amhara region to assess their roles in household decision-making processes. It reported that child-brides are more likely to experience family and marital disorganizations – they had higher rates of both divorce and remarriage. They were also more likely to suffer from various types of abuse and violence while committed to subordinate roles in most household decision-making processes.

Systems theory teaches us that marital relations and household decision-making processes reflect the idiosyncrasies of members, the functional prerequisite of the household unit and the wider cultural milieu. As the study results revealed, women married at latter ages were able to influence household decision-making processes in ways that recognize their preferences and wellbeing. Age is not just a biological factor as it entails cultural definition of one’s scope of involvement and influence in household as well as wider sociocultural, economic and political affairs of the community. The interactions between individual and community factors seem to create better negotiation powers for women married as adults than those married as children.

Using systems theory, the discussion of results underlined the relevance of unravelling the interactions between individual, institutional and community factors to understand and/or change the power dynamics between spouses at household level. Furthermore, its findings imply that sectoral interventions will struggle to bring much-sought after emancipation of women in patriarchal institution and culture and abolish early marriage. The alignment between the study findings and the premises of system theory illustrate why child-brides faced resistance from their husbands, families and communities to be involved in household decision-making processes. There were reports about married women sustaining spousal abuse for wanting to have a say on what happens in the household. There were also women who did not want to do so since that was not how they were brought up and saw husbands’ unilateral decision-making powers as something natural.

In sum, the study results reveal that with increasing age comes physical, social and emotional maturity, and delaying marriage improved married women’s empowerment in household decision-making processes. But this change did not unfold unilaterally and in simple correlation with women’s age at first marriage since it bore the imprints of individual, institutional and cultural factors. There were instances of neglect, resistance or abuse as individuals, institutions and norms adjust to and accommodate women’s preferences and wills in marital relations and household management. We conclude by stating the obvious: if women do not have much decision-making power at the domestic sphere, which is traditionally defined as their domain, how would the gap be in the public sphere, which is traditionally out of their reach or influence? The authors believe this is one of the areas that further research could productively explore.

Following the political unrest of 2018, the North Gondar Zone has been subdivided into three zones with their own administrative structures – North, Central and West zones – in 2019. But this study was conducted in 2017 – before the restructuring – and covered Kebeles in the then North Gondar Zone.

Availability of data and materials

The datasets used and/or analysed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

Countries with higher prevalence of early marriage are Niger (82%), Bangladesh (75%), Chad (73%), Yemen (64%), Mali (63%), Nepal (63%), Mozambique (59%) and Ethiopia (57%)

The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia had 9 regional states (Tigray, Afar, Amhara, Oromia, Somali, Benishangul-Gumuz, Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples, Gambela, and Harari) and 2 city administrations (Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa) until 2020. Currently, the Sidama region had broken-off with SNNP and has been recognized as a separate region, making the number of regional states 10.

Many Africans and Latin Americans practice a tradition for new moms called la cuarentena, a Hispanic word that to refer to a period of approximately 6 weeks, during which new mothers abstain from sex and solely dedicate their time and energy to breastfeeding and taking care of themselves and the baby. Members of the family participate to cook, clean and take care of other children, if there are any. What is different in the Ethiopian case is that pregnant women generally return to their parents’ house and stay there receiving all pre- and post-natal care by their family members. The length of the stay covers a week or days before birth and until the baby is baptized, for Christian folks.

Medical assessment of couples’ health status – mainly HIV/AIDS – is becoming increasingly a requirement to legalize marriage in Ethiopia.

Abbreviations

Central Statistical Authority (Ethiopia)

Demographic and Health Survey (Ethiopia)

Engaged, Educated, Empowered Ethiopian Youth

Focus Group Discussion

International Center for Research on Women

Ministry of Education (Ethiopia)

Ministry of Women, Children and Youth Affairs (Ethiopia)

Standard Deviation

Statistical Package for Social Sciences

Transitional Government of Ethiopia

United Nations Fund for Population (Activities)

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund

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Acknowledgments

We would like to acknowledge the WV-E for providing the funding for the research based on which this manuscript is developed. Its staff were more than collaborative in providing editorial assistance and logistics support whenever required. We thank survey respondents, FGD participants and in-depth interviewees for taking their time and providing relevant information which enabled us to understand the nature of relations between early marriage and women empowerment in the study area. Last but not least, we are grateful for University of Gondar, where three of us had been working for over a decade at the time of the study, to enable and support our multidisciplinary research team.

We, the authors, would like to express our preference to be searchable through our own individual PubMed records and we include out names, institutional affiliation and country information as follows:

• Mikyas Abera, PhD. Assistant Professor, University of Gondar, Ethiopia

• Ansha Nega, Mrs. Assistant Professor, Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia

• Yifokire Tefera, Mr. Assistant Professor, Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia

• Abebaw Addis Gelagay, Mr. Assistant Professor, University of Gondar, Ethiopia

Funding for the research was provided by World Vision Ethiopia, whose staff provided editorial and logistics support during the data collection, analyses and write-up phases.

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Department of Sociology, University of Gondar, Gondar, Ethiopia

Mikyas Abera

School of Public Health, Addis Ababa University, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

Ansha Nega & Yifokire Tefera

Institute of Public Health, University of Gondar, Gondar, Ethiopia

Abebaw Addis Gelagay

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Contributions

MAN. MAN’s contributions to this manuscript involve collaboratively designing, conducting and coordinating the field research; checking for quality survey data entry; transcribing qualitative data; generate themes from qualitative data; running statistical analyses on SPSS and interpreting results; producing the first draft of this manuscript for comment and refinement by research team members. AN. AN’s contributions to this manuscript involve collaboratively designing and conducting the field research; transcribing qualitative data; running statistical analyses and interpreting results; and, enriching the first draft of the manuscript immensely with descriptive and illustrative additions. YT. YT’s contributions to this manuscript involve collaboratively designing and conducting the field research; transcribing qualitative data; running statistical analyses and interpreting results; and, enriching the first draft of the manuscript immensely with descriptive and illustrative additions. AAG. AAG’s contributions to this manuscript involve collaboratively designing and conducting the field research; transcribing qualitative data; running statistical analyses and interpreting results; and, enriching the first draft of the manuscript immensely with descriptive and illustrative additions as well as editorials. All authors have read and approved the final manuscript.

Authors’ information

1. Mikyas Abera . Dr. Mikyas Abera, PhD, is an Assistant Professor at the University of Gondar (UoG), Gondar (Ethiopia). He studied Sociology and Social Administration (BA; Addis Ababa University: 2003), Sociology (MA; Delhi School of Economics: 2007), and Sociology of Education (PhD; Addis Ababa University: 2015). His research interests are education, gender, rehabilitation, social inequality and science and technology. He helped UoG to launch undergraduate, graduate and postgraduate programs in Sociology between 2003 and 2017. He currently teaches and supervises students both at graduate and postgraduate levels, and engages in several research and community engagement projects.

2. Ansha Nega . Mrs. Nega, MSc, is Assistant Professor of Public Health at School of Public Health, Addis Ababa University (Ethiopia). She studied Occupational Health and Safety (BSc; University of Gondar) and Ergonomics (MSc; Loughborough University). Mrs. Nega worked for more than 13 years at UoG with varied responsibilities including teaching, research and community works. She has served as the Director for Community Based Rehabilitation program at University of Gondar; lead and co-lead various collaborative researches on disability, child labor, occupational safety, rehabilitation, and early marriage, among others. Currently, she is faculty at Addis Ababa University.

3. Yifokire Tefera . Mr. Yifokire Tefera, PhD Candidate at Addis Ababa University and adjunct staff and Assistant Professor of Public Health at UoG. Environmental Health Science (BSc; Jimma University, Ethiopia); Occupational Health and Safety (MSc; Loughborough University, UK). Mr. Tefera has served UoG for over 14 years under different capacities: teaching faculty, researcher, administrator and community worker. He has extensive experience in leading and/or coordinating collaborative international and national research projects. His research and community work interests lie on public health child labor, decent work, disability and development. Currently, Mr. Tefera pursues his PhD in Occupational Health and Safety at AAU, collaborative program between AAU and Bergen University, Norway.

4. Abebaw Addis Gelagay . Mr. Abebaw Addis Gelagay is an Assistant Professor of Reproductive and Child Health at UoG and have been serving University of Gondar since 2014 with roles in teaching, research, management and community work. He studied Nursing (Diploma; Addis Ababa University), Public Health (BSc; UoG), and MPH in Reproductive and Child Health (MPH; UoG). He has extensive experience in leading and/or coordinating collaborative international and national research projects. His research and community work interests lie, mainly, on general, reproductive and child health. Currently, Mr. Addis serves as Chair of Department of Reproductive Health, Institute of Public Health, UoG.

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Correspondence to Mikyas Abera .

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Ethics approval and consent to participate.

Ethical approval for the research was attained at the level of the E 4 Y (Engaged, Educated, Empowered Ethiopian Youth) project – a project implemented by World Vision–Ethiopia in various regional States of Ethiopia. In addition, the study proposal, tools, funding source, etc. were submitted to and approved by the Institute of Public Health’s Institutional Review Board (IRB) of the University of Gondar, Ethiopia to meet scientific and ethical standards. The IRB cleared the study not to have any health, social, personal harm to participants, their communities and the environment. Study participants as well as parents and/or legal guardians – for those under the legal age of 18 – were requested to provide verbal or signed consent for participation beforehand. The IRB approved oral consent for parents and/or legal guardians as well as participants considering many reside in remote villages with very low literacy level. However, whenever possible, written consent was collected from study participants and such was approved.

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Abera, M., Nega, A., Tefera, Y. et al. Early marriage and women’s empowerment: the case of child-brides in Amhara National Regional State, Ethiopia. BMC Int Health Hum Rights 20 , 30 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12914-020-00249-5

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Received : 24 April 2019

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Published : 14 December 2020

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1186/s12914-020-00249-5

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Search form, youth group challenges practice of child marriage in mindanao.

Rohainie Sahari was busy attending to her online class when a distant relative visited her parents.

Screen Shot 2021-11-25 at 8.06.21 PM.png

“Although both were talking in whispers, I could hear my mom saying, let’s just ask her if she is willing. I will talk to her,” said 20-year-old Rohainie.

Rohainie was shocked to learn that the relative was proposing an arranged marriage between her and the aunt’s son.

If things went according to plan, Rohainie would be married before the fasting month of Ramadan.

Uncomfortable and anxious, she struggled to stay silent as she continued to eavesdrop.

“I was annoyed and distracted. It was hard trying to focus on studying for an upcoming exam,” Rohainie said.

After the visitor left, she begged her mother to say no to the arranged marriage. She wanted to finish her studies first, she politely told her parents.

Fortunately for Rohaine, her mother Rocaya respected her and her right to decide for herself.

According to Roconsalam Amer, president of a women’s organization in Lanao del Sur, arranged marriages have long been a tradition among Maranaos.

Marriage between relatives is preferred since it is assumed that it helps tighten relationships among clans and that it can prevent feuds and misunderstandings between erstwhile warring clans, explained Roconsalam who is a leader of the Women’s Association on Turmeric Production, a project supported by Oxfam Pilipinas and other non-profit organizations promoting women empowerment in the region.

Nowadays, arranged marriages are practiced to also escape poverty, or protect political interests, to keep dignity (Maratabat) and to avoid premarital sex, she said.

According to locals like Roconsalam, a number of brides are non-consenting girls who are forced into marrying men they have never met and are often multiple times older than them. Some have not even reached puberty or had their first menstruation.

In a way, Rohainie was fortunate that her mother listened to her. She feared having the same fate as her 13-year-old relative and neighbor who was forced to marry a 30-year-old man. The girl then became ill and died after just six months.

Rohainie suspected that the girl had a miscarriage. “Her body was not ready to handle mother’s task at a very young and tender age,” Rohainie said.

Today, besides being a political science student at Mindanao State University-Marawi (MSU), Rohainie has also become a Maranao youth leader. She is part of Linding Kokalombayan, a group of young women in Lanao Del Sur province and Marawi City campaigning against child, early and forced marriages in BARMM. The group, a youth partner of Al-Mujadilah Women’s Association (AMWA), is part of the Creating Spaces project, which aims to reduce the prevalence of child, early and forced marriages.

Funded by the Government of Canada through the Global Affairs Canada, this five-year project of Creating Spaces to Take Action on Violence against Women and Girls is implemented by Oxfam Pilipinas, AMWA, United Youth of the Philippines - Women, in partnership with the Philippine Legislators' Committee on Population and Development (PLCPD) and the Philippine Business for Social Progress (PBSP).

Through the project, Rohainie and other “girl defenders” engage with key Muslim religious leaders (MRLs), community, private sector, and political influencers, as well as their fellow youth, in advancing women’s leadership and rights and helping prevent violence against women and girls including child, early, and forced marriages (CEFM).

Members of the youth group conduct house-to-house conversations with families in the community to talk about gender-based violence and CEFM.

Joining Rohainie in the campaign is 20-year-old Nadia Abdullah, also an education student at MSU.

Though a full-blooded Maranao, she grew up in Christian-dominated communities in Leyte and Cebu where her parents did business.

She was devastated to learn the fate of her best friend, a fellow Maranao named *Liyah (not her real name) who became a child bride.

Nadia and Liyah became best friends while studying in Cebu. When 14-year-old Liyah went home to Marawi, she was forced to marry a man who was already in his mid-twenties.

“We had a conversation, she was in tears, she did not want it -- she had no choice,” Nadia recalled. “Her parents granted permission for an arranged marriage, to help ease the economic burden of the family.”

Nadia said this is the reason why she is now active in promoting the welfare of young girls and teenagers.

Liyah is now separated from her husband, who was also said to have physically abused a former wife.

But it’s not only women who are pushing back, several young men are also supporting the advocacy on the prevention of CEFM.

“Definitely we are breaking barriers. I think there is cultural misinterpretation. A lot of women and girls were deprived of their rights to choose,” said 19-year-old Jamal Pandapatan, a social work student at MSU and one of the male members of the Linding Youth organization.

“Forcing young girls into early marriage will affect their reproductive and mental health. They are not yet old enough to make these decisions,” said Abdul Hakim Mohamad, who is also an MSU-Marawi and member of the youth group.

“We forget to understand also the reality that while we aim to prevent Zina or premarital sex, by pushing them into early marriage, we are also committing sins because there was no consent from them and it is forbidden in our belief,” Mohamad said.

According to Girls Not Brides, more than 800,000 Filipinas were married before they were 18 years old, making the Philippines the 10th among countries with the most number of child marriages.

“ Taking Space: A Snapshot of Child, Early, and Forced Marriage – Insights from Oxfam and partners' work in the Philippines ” released in 2020 showed that 24% of 1,058 survey respondents from Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao, Basilan, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi were married before the age of 18. Of those who married as minors, child marriage disproportionately affected girls at 97 percent.

The study also showed that many adolescent brides experience health risks caused by frequently repeated pregnancies even before they become physically and psychologically ready for responsible motherhood and childbirth. Also, in many cases, girls drop out of school because of child marriage, pregnancy, and domestic chores.

As groups within the Girl Defenders alliance and Creating Spaces project grapple with the intricacies of norms, culture, religion and tradition, they are in constant dialogue with lawmakers and government agencies that would play important parts in truly banning child marriage in the Philippines.

A bill addressing the legal loopholes allowing child marriage in Muslim communities has already passed the two chambers of Congress. The alliance hopes that it will be enacted into law before next year’s elections.

In the meantime, young women like Rohainie have to deal with family and societal pressures of early and arranged marriage.

Rohainie said that because of her refusal, her relationship with her aunt and other relatives has turned sour. She fears that family ties will continue to erode.

But she has no regrets. She is instead praying that someday her relatives will be enlightened and understand that she made the right decision. In the meantime, Rohainie is using the time she has now to pursue her dreams to become a lawyer.

She hopes that through their group’s work, they will be able to change not only their members’ lives but also that of the next generation. ###

Members of Linding Kokalombayan, a group of young women in Marawi City campaigning against child, early and forced marriages in BARMM, point to gowns often worn during weddings. The group is part of the Global Affairs Canada-funded Creating Spaces project, which aims to reduce the prevalence of child, early and forced marriages. The project is jointly implemented by Oxfam Pilipinas, AMWA, United Youth of the Philippines - Women, in partnership with the Philippine Legislators' Committee on Population and Development (PLCPD) and the Philippine Business for Social Progress (PBSP). (Photo: Ferdinandh Cabrera/Oxfam)

Rohainie fills up a form while inside a school building. Rohainie is a member of Linding Kokalombayan, a group of young women in Lanao Del Sur province and Marawi City campaigning against child, early and forced marriages in BARMM. The group is part of the Global Affairs Canada-funded Creating Spaces project, which aims to reduce the prevalence of child, early and forced marriages. The project is jointly implemented by Oxfam Pilipinas, AMWA, United Youth of the Philippines - Women, in partnership with the Philippine Legislators' Committee on Population and Development (PLCPD) and the Philippine Business for Social Progress (PBSP). (Photo: Ferdinandh Cabrera/Oxfam)

Members of Linding Kokalombayan, a youth group in Marawi City campaigning against child, early and forced marriages in BARMM, walk around their school. Their group is part of the Global Affairs Canada-funded Creating Spaces project, which aims to reduce the prevalence of child, early and forced marriages. The project is jointly implemented by Oxfam Pilipinas, AMWA, United Youth of the Philippines - Women, in partnership with the Philippine Legislators' Committee on Population and Development (PLCPD) and the Philippine Business for Social Progress (PBSP). (Photo: Ferdinandh Cabrera/Oxfam)

Copyright © 2024 Oxfam Philippines. All rights reserved.

• Press Release

Child Marriage in the Philippines

Child marriage is a marriage before the age of 18. According to the law, this is a human rights violation against both participants. Unfortunately, this is a widespread practice up to these days. This practice mostly leads to lifetime hardships and abuse, especially in very poor rural communities. In most places, this practice has been a long tradition. However, this tradition has caused the rise of almost “invisible” avenue for domestic exploitation and violence, most commonly to women. Rape, slavery, emotional and psychological abuse, and sexual slavery are seemingly seen as “normal” in this culture.

Typically, the girls are the most vulnerable victims of early marriage. They suffer the most of this harmful custom as they are less likely to finish schools due to their very early motherhood and domestic responsibility as a “partner”. Because of malnutrition and lack of healthy environment for their physical needs, mortality rate are also very high on young teenage girls who participate in childhood marriage. This is usually due to their early pregnancy and even to childbirth as their body is too young to handle this biological situation. In worst cases, in some parts of the world, girls that are under the age of 15 die during a sexual intercourse.

According to UNICEF, there are around 21% of young women globally who get married before the age of 18. In total, every year there are approximately 650 million teenage girls who engage in early marriage or early domestic partnership. In the Philippines, 15% of girls are married before they reach their 18th birthday and 2% are married before the age of 15. The country also has the 12th highest number of child brides in the world at 726,000. Women in ARMM, Mimaropa and Soccsksargen marry earlier than those in other regions. This is also according to UNICEF. Meanwhile, the 2017 National Demographic and Health Survey said that one in 5 girls is a mother by 19 years old.

Some reasons for child pregnancy and early marriage in the Philippines

Many of these girls are forced to marry due to varying reasons. But the most common one trafficking especially on the rural regions. Many young girls who end up having very early motherhood and marriage, and even who ends up into extreme prostitution, usually come from different places of Visayas and Mindanao region. The most common destination for trafficked girls is places like Manila, Cebu, and Angeles City. Some also end up in popular tourist destinations such as Surigao, Boracay, and Bohol for commercial sex. Furthermore, the Philippines have also become very popular in the issue of “mail-order bride” which, of course, forces these girls into early marriage and domestic servitude.

The second reason for early marriage and teenage pregnancy is religion. In the country, the religion that allows, and sometimes require, the practice of child marriage is Islam. In the Islamic law called Sharia, under age teens are allowed to marry each other. Furthermore, marriage of older adults into underage girls is also allowed in this religion. This is commonly due to poverty and also ignorance of the law. Poor parents see their girl child as a commodity because of their “dowry” system. This also seems like another form of human trafficking in which the parents can easily sell their daughter to whoever they please; regardless of how old is the man.

Child marriage and pedophilia

Many girls who marry in a very early age suffer from their early separation from their parents and siblings. Many of them were helpless and innocent victims of religiously sanctioned sexual abuse. They are also usually deprived of education, normal childhood experiences, and even human rights. Sad to say this is still the case in many isolated areas of the country where this kind of religious custom is still being strongly imposed.

According to one article in the Manila Times by FR. Shay Cullen:

“Millions of little girls around the world are forcefully paired with older men when they are 11, 14 or 15 years of age. In other words, so-called “marriage” or “child bride-taking” is just a cover for gross indecent criminal pedophilia. It’s a front to justify child sex and escape the penalty of laws that forbid it. Most of the little girls were then raped in the act of consummation of the so-called marriage. This is one view in regard to child brides; others disagree.”

He also added, “Cultural and religious practices seem to protect the arranged pedophilia. Some say it is not pedophilia if the man has sex with a nine year old provided it is approved by socio-cultural or religious custom. They say the child marriage phenomenon is driven by socio-cultural forces and economic considerations”.

And lastly, Shay Cullen stated, “In the Philippines where child abuse and child marriage also happen, only two percent of children are forced into a “marriage union,” called that to justify the pedophilia, apparently at times condoned by the local official. The child victim is left helpless and abused by a live-in partner with the consent of the relatives and mother in some cases. He provides money for the family. There is also the “areglo” system of payoffs where some local officials, for a fee, arrange a financial compensation between the sexual abuser and the parents of the child. No legal complaint is filed and he gets away with the abuse and the community remains silent and condones it.”

Criminalization of religious custom; is this the solution?

Meanwhile, two lawmakers namely Representative Edcel Lagman and Representative Bernadette Herrera Dy filed House Bill (HB) No. 8440 last October 10, 2018. It is a bill that deems the act of child marriage, its facilitation, and solemnization as “public crimes.” According to Section 4 of the said bill, “These acts are grave forms of child abuse and exploitation as they gravely threaten and endanger the survival and normal development of children physically, emotionally, and psychologically and can be initiated by any concerned individual”. In addition, Section 5 states that a “child marriage would be considered void ab initio or void from the beginning”.

Furthermore, Representative Bernadette Dy, the chair of the House committee on women and gender equality, urged the National Commission on Muslim Filipinos and National Commission on Indigenous Peoples to “work hard on generating consensus and binding changes on marriages practices.” She said in a statement, “It would greatly help if the NCMF and NCIP are able to convince the imams and religious leaders of the IPs to reform marriage practices”.

• Child marriage around the world
• Child brides: A cover for cultural pedophilia?
• House bill seeks to criminalize child marriage in PH

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Teenage Pregnancy Issue in the Philippines

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