domestic abuse victimisation essay

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Stanford University School of Medicine blog

A domestic violence survivor’s story

Editor's note: This story contains details of domestic violence.

Stanford med school saved my life. Not in the metaphorical way, but in a very literal way. If I didn't start medical school when I did, there is a high chance I wouldn't be alive today.

I struggled writing this piece because only a small handful of people know my story. By the time you're done reading these 800 or so words, you'll know only part of it, but what I hope you take away from it is this: Domestic violence victims can come in all shapes and sizes.

They aren't always timid, quiet, and weak, as they are often stereotyped to be in movies and on TV. They might be outspoken, confident, lighthearted and outgoing. To my fellow medical students and colleagues in the health care field: It is the latter type of person, the type who's able to hide their abuse behind confidence and success, who needs our help the most.

This is something that I've kept largely hidden, but I'm writing this today with the hope that my story will stick with you, such that more domestic violence victims can be saved by advocates who take the time to genuinely listen and ask questions.

October is Domestic Violence Awareness Month, and I am a domestic violence survivor.

For about 1.5 years, I was both emotionally and physically abused by my then partner while I was living abroad and working in the public health field. Looking back, I realize now how brainwashed I was at the time, thinking that he loved me, that things could change, that the bruises on my body and literal twisted joints - and more hurtful than those even, the things he said to me - were my fault.

I'm currently in the most supportive, loving, incredible relationship, and I know now how wrong I was to think those things about my abuser.

What I hope to accomplish in this piece is to help others understand how they, as health care professionals, caring friends, and concerned colleagues, can empower domestic violence victims and save lives. Two stories stand out when I think about how others fell short of helping me escape.

The first missed opportunity happened in a makeup store. He had hit me in fits of rage before, but this was the first time he had hit my face hard enough to cause bruising.

I walked into a cosmetics store looking for makeup to cover the black and blue splotches on my lip. The cashier looked concerned, pursed his lips, but said nothing. He helped me find a concealer that matched my skin tone, then explained "color correction" products to me. I remember how I held back tears and was so ready to tell everything to this stranger, had he only asked where my bruises came from.

The second missed opportunity happened at an optometrist's office. I later learned in medical school that when someone endures blunt trauma near their eyes, tiny blood vessels in the eyes can burst, causing a bloodshot look that can't be "cured" by eye drops. This was how my eyes looked when I walked into the office, hoping for an eye exam. (I wouldn't have normally gone in but the night before, after hitting me, my then-partner snapped my glasses in half to further impair me.)

The optometrist asked me why my eyes were so red; I lied and said I had slept with my contact lenses in overnight. After he tried relieving the redness with eye drops to no avail, he furrowed his brow, seemed as if he was going to inquire further, then shook his head and completed my eye exam so that I could order new glasses.

He was the only person aside from my abuser who had seen me in four days, and how I wished he had asked more questions.

There were many instances during which a single question or concerned comment from a friend, doctor, or random makeup store cashier could have snapped me out of this scary, disillusioned reality that had become my new normal, but that never happened. Had it not been for starting medical school here at Stanford in 2016, I'm not sure if I would have ever convinced myself that I was strong enough - or worth enough, good enough, valuable enough - to escape.

If you think that your patient, your friend, or your colleague is a domestic abuse victim or survivor, pity and looks of sympathy are the last things she needs. Believe her, listen to her, support her, and you will save her.

If you are a domestic abuse victim or survivor, please know this: You are strong, and you are not alone.

Please share this with your family, friends, and colleagues. Medical school saved my life, but not everyone is afforded the same opportunity.

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Essay on Domestic Violence

Introduction to Domestic Violence

Domestic violence, a prevalent and multifaceted problem, involves a recurring pattern of abusive behavior by one partner in an intimate relationship aimed at gaining and asserting power and control over the other. This form of violence transcends boundaries of age, race, gender, and socio-economic status, affecting individuals worldwide. For example, consider a scenario where a woman, Sarah, endures years of emotional and physical abuse from her husband, leaving her isolated and fearful. Such instances underscore the urgent need to address this societal ill. This essay delves into the various facets of domestic violence, including its types, causes, effects, and preventive measures, aiming to raise awareness and promote action against this deeply entrenched problem.

Importance of addressing domestic violence

Addressing domestic violence is of utmost importance, as it has wide-ranging impacts on individuals, families, communities, and society as a whole. Here are detailed points highlighting its significance:

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• Human Rights Violation: Domestic violence is a blatant violation of human rights , depriving individuals of their right to safety, security, and dignity within their own homes.
• Health Consequences: Victims of domestic violence often suffer physical injuries, psychological trauma, and long-term health issues. Addressing domestic violence is crucial for mitigating these health risks.
• Impact on Children: Children who experience domestic violence are at a heightened risk of experiencing a variety of adverse outcomes, including behavioral issues, academic challenges, and long-lasting psychological difficulties. Intervening in domestic violence can shield children from these detrimental effects.
• Cycle of Violence: Addressing domestic violence is key to breaking the cycle of violence. Without intervention, children who witness or experience violence are at an increased risk of becoming either perpetrators or victims themselves in the future.
• Economic Consequences: Domestic violence can have significant economic costs, including healthcare expenses, lost productivity, and the need for social services. Addressing domestic violence can help reduce these economic burdens.
• Community Well-being: Domestic violence erodes the fabric of communities, leading to increased social isolation, distrust, and fear. By addressing domestic violence, communities can promote safety, trust, and social cohesion.
• Gender Equality: Domestic violence is often rooted in unequal power dynamics between genders. Addressing domestic violence is essential for promoting gender equality and empowering women and marginalized genders.
• Legal and Social Justice: Domestic violence is a crime that should be addressed through legal and social justice mechanisms. By holding perpetrators accountable and supporting victims, we can uphold principles of justice and fairness.
• Prevention of Intergenerational Transmission: Addressing domestic violence can prevent the transmission of violent behaviors from one generation to the next, breaking the cycle of abuse within families.
• Public Health Priority: A multi-sectoral approach involving healthcare, social services, law enforcement, and community organizations is required to recognize domestic violence as a public health issue. Addressing domestic violence is essential for promoting public health and well-being.

Types of Domestic Violence

Domestic violence manifests in various forms, each equally destructive and harmful. These are the different types of domestic violence:

• Physical Abuse: This encompasses any type of physical harm or injury inflicted upon the victim by the abuser. It may include hitting, punching, kicking, slapping, choking, or using weapons to cause harm.
• Emotional/Psychological Abuse: Emotional abuse characterizes behaviors that undermine the victim’s self-worth, confidence, and emotional well-being. This can include verbal threats, insults, intimidation, manipulation, gaslighting, and isolation from friends and family.
• Sexual Abuse: Sexual abuse encompasses any unwanted sexual activity or coercion imposed by the abuser. This may include rape, sexual assault, forced sexual acts or coercion to engage in sexual activities against the victim’s will.
• Financial Abuse: Financial abuse transpires when the abuser controls or exploits the victim’s financial resources to wield power and control. This can include withholding money, preventing access to bank accounts, sabotaging employment or education opportunities, or coercing the victim into financial dependence.
• Digital Abuse: The proliferation of technology has led to an increase in digital abuse. This involves using technology, such as smartphones, social media, or surveillance apps, to monitor, harass, or control the victim. It may include cyberstalking, tracking the victim’s online activity, or spreading humiliating or threatening messages online.
• Spiritual Abuse: Spiritual abuse involves the use of religious beliefs or practices to manipulate, control, or justify abusive behavior. This can include using religious teachings to justify violence, coercing the victim to adhere to specific religious practices, or preventing the victim from practicing their own faith.
• Reproductive Coercion: Reproductive coercion involves controlling or interfering with the victim’s reproductive choices, such as contraception use, pregnancy, or abortion. This may include sabotaging birth control methods, pressuring the victim to become pregnant or terminate a pregnancy against their will, or refusing to use protection during sexual activity.

Causes of Domestic Violence

Domestic violence is a multifaceted issue with complex causes. Understanding these underlying factors is essential for devising effective prevention and intervention strategies. Here are some key causes of domestic violence:

• Historical and Cultural Factors: In many societies, there is a history of gender inequality and patriarchal norms that have normalized the use of violence against women and marginalized genders. Cultural beliefs that condone or justify violence can contribute to its perpetuation.
• Social and Economic Factors: Poverty , unemployment, lack of education, and economic stress can contribute to domestic violence. Financial dependence on the abuser can make it difficult for victims to leave abusive situations.
• Psychological Factors: Individuals who have experienced trauma, abuse, or neglect in their own lives may be more likely to perpetrate domestic violence. Mental health problems like anxiety, depression, and personality disorders can also contribute to domestic violence.
• Substance Abuse: Drug and alcohol abuse can lower inhibitions and impair judgment, leading to an increase in violent behavior. Substance abuse can also exacerbate existing conflicts and tensions within relationships.
• Family Dynamics: A family history of violence or exposure to domestic violence in childhood can perpetuate the cycle of violence. Unhealthy family dynamics, such as inadequate communication or boundary-setting, can also contribute to domestic violence.
• Lack of Social Support: Isolation from friends, family, and community support networks can make victims more vulnerable to domestic violence. Lack of access to supportive services can also hinder victims from seeking help.
• Cultural and Societal Norms: Beliefs and norms that prioritize male dominance and control in relationships can contribute to domestic violence. Media, religion, and social institutions may reinforce these norms.
• Lack of Legal and Social Support: Weak or ineffective legal frameworks, lack of access to justice, and stigma surrounding domestic violence can discourage victims from seeking help and enable perpetrators to continue their abusive behavior.

Effects of Domestic Violence

Domestic violence can have profound and enduring effects on individuals, families, and communities. These effects can manifest in diverse ways and permeate every aspect of a person’s life. Here are some of the key effects of domestic violence:

• Physical Health Consequences: Domestic abuse victims frequently sustain wounds that range in severity from minor cuts and bruises to more serious ailments like internal injuries, fractured bones, and traumatic brain injuries. In some cases, domestic violence can result in long-term health issues or disabilities.
• Psychological Effects: Domestic violence can have severe psychological consequences, including anxiety, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and other mental health disorders. Victims may experience feelings of fear, helplessness, and low self-esteem as a result of the abuse.
• Impact on Children: Exposure to domestic violence can have negative impacts on children’s behavior, development, and emotions. They may also be at higher risk of experiencing abuse themselves or becoming abusers in the future.
• Socio-Economic Effects: Domestic violence can have significant socio-economic consequences, including loss of income, housing instability, and barriers to employment. Victims may also incur medical expenses related to injuries sustained during the abuse.
• Isolation and Alienation: Victims of domestic violence often experience social isolation and alienation from friends, family, and community due to shame, fear, or restrictions imposed by the abuser. This can intensify feelings of loneliness and helplessness even more.
• Impact on Relationships: Domestic violence can strain relationships with family members, friends, and intimate partners. Victims may have difficulty trusting others or forming healthy relationships in the future.
• Disruption of Daily Life: Domestic violence can disrupt every aspect of a person’s daily life, including work, school, and other activities. Victims may struggle to maintain their responsibilities and may experience difficulties in functioning on a day-to-day basis.
• Cycle of Violence: Domestic violence can perpetuate a cycle of violence, where victims may become trapped in abusive relationships or become abusers themselves in future relationships.
• Legal and Criminal Consequences: Domestic violence is a crime, and perpetrators may face legal consequences, including arrest, prosecution, and incarceration. Victims may also be involved in legal proceedings, such as obtaining protective orders or seeking custody of children.
• Impact on Community: Domestic violence can have broader impacts on communities, including increased healthcare costs, strain on social services, and a breakdown of community cohesion.

Prevention and Intervention

Preventing and intervening in domestic violence requires a multi-faceted approach involving individuals, communities, and society as a whole. Here are key strategies for prevention and intervention:

• Education and Awareness: Educating individuals about the signs of domestic violence, its impact, and available resources is crucial for prevention. Awareness campaigns can assist in reducing stigma and motivating victims to seek help.
• Empowerment Programs: Empowering individuals, especially women and marginalized groups, with knowledge, skills, and resources can help them recognize and resist abusive behavior.
• Early Intervention: Early identification and intervention in abusive relationships can help prevent escalation. This can include training professionals to recognize signs of abuse and providing support to victims.
• Legal Measures: Strengthening laws and enforcement mechanisms can deter perpetrators and protect victims. This can include criminalizing domestic violence, providing legal aid to victims, and enforcing protective orders.
• Support Services: Offering accessible and comprehensive support services, such as shelters, counseling, and hotlines, can assist victims in safely exiting abusive situations and rebuilding their lives.
• Counseling and Rehabilitation: Offering counseling and rehabilitation programs for perpetrators can help them address underlying issues and learn non-violent ways of resolving conflicts.
• Community Involvement: Engaging communities in prevention efforts can help change attitudes and norms that perpetuate domestic violence. This can include promoting healthy relationships and bystander intervention.
• Intersectional Approaches: It is crucial to recognize the nexus between domestic violence and other forms of oppression, such as racism , sexism, and homophobia, to prevent and intervene effectively.
• Coordination of Services: Coordinating various stakeholders, including government agencies, non-profit organizations, and community groups, ensures a comprehensive and effective response to domestic violence.
• Research and Evaluation: Continuously researching and evaluating prevention and intervention strategies can help identify best practices and improve outcomes for victims and perpetrators.

Challenges and Barriers

Addressing domestic violence is a complex and challenging task due to various barriers and obstacles. Some of the key challenges include:

• Lack of Awareness: Many people, including victims, perpetrators, and the general public, may not fully understand what constitutes domestic violence or may underestimate its severity. This can lead to underreporting and a lack of appropriate responses.
• Stigma and Shame: Victims of domestic violence often face stigma and shame, which can prevent them from seeking help or disclosing abuse. Cultural norms and societal attitudes that blame or discredit victims can further exacerbate this barrier.
• Financial Dependence: Economic factors can make it difficult for victims to leave abusive relationships. Financial dependence on the abuser, lack of access to resources, and fear of losing financial stability can all contribute to victims staying in abusive situations.
• Lack of Support Services: In many communities, there is a lack of adequate support services for victims of domestic violence. This includes shelters, counseling, legal aid, and other resources that are essential for helping victims safely leave abusive relationships.
• Legal Barriers: The legal system can be complex and intimidating for victims of domestic violence. Legal barriers, such as the cost of legal representation, the need to prove abuse in court, and the lack of protection for undocumented immigrants, can all hinder access to justice for victims.
• Cultural and Religious Norms: Cultural and religious beliefs that prioritize family harmony or emphasize male authority can act as barriers to addressing domestic violence. These norms can discourage victims from seeking help or speaking out against abuse.
• Lack of Coordination: Addressing domestic violence requires a coordinated response from multiple sectors, including law enforcement, healthcare, social services, and the justice system. Lack of coordination between these sectors can result in service gaps and ineffective responses.
• Perpetrator Accountability: Holding perpetrators accountable for their actions can be challenging. Factors like fear of retaliation, insufficient evidence, and lenient legal consequences can all contribute to a lack of accountability for abusive behavior.
• Limited Resources: Resources for addressing domestic violence, including funding for support services and prevention programs, are often limited. This can result in inadequate services and long wait times for victims seeking help.
• Intersectionality: Domestic violence intersects with other forms of oppression, such as racism, sexism, homophobia, and ableism. Victims who belong to marginalized groups may face additional barriers and challenges in accessing support and services.

Domestic violence is a pervasive and deeply entrenched issue that has devastating consequences for individuals, families, and communities. It constitutes a violation of human rights and represents a substantial public health concern that demands urgent attention and action. Addressing domestic violence necessitates a comprehensive approach encompassing prevention, intervention, support services, and advocacy efforts. By raising awareness, challenging cultural norms, providing support to survivors, holding perpetrators accountable, and promoting gender equality, we can work towards creating safer and more supportive environments for all individuals affected by domestic violence. Together, we must strive to end the cycle of abuse and build a society free from violence and fear.

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Understanding Violence Against Women (1996)

Chapter: 1 introduction, 1 introduction.

Although men are more likely than women to be victims of violent crimes—61 per 1,000 for men, 42.6 per 1,000 for women (Bastian, 1995)—patterns of victimization differ. Women are far more likely than men to be victimized by an intimate partner (Kilpatrick et al., 1992; Bachman, 1994; Bachman and Saltzman, 1995). In fact, about three-quarters of all lone-offender violence against women in 1993 was perpetrated by someone known to the woman, compared with one-half of lone-offender violence against men (Bachman and Saltzman, 1995). It is important to note that attacks by intimates are more dangerous to women than attacks by strangers: 52 percent of the women victimized by an intimate sustain injuries, compared with 20 percent of those victimized by a stranger (Bachman and Saltzman, 1995). Women are also significantly more likely to be killed by an intimate than are men. In 1993, 29 percent of female homicide victims were killed by their husbands, ex-husbands, or boyfriends; only 3 percent of male homicide victims were killed by their wives, ex-wives, or girlfriends (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 1993). 1

Women are more likely to be victimized by male offenders than by female offenders; about three-quarters of violent crimes against women are committed by males (Bachman, 1994). In one urban emergency room, violence was the most common cause of injury to women between the ages of 15 and 44 and the second most common cause of injury for all women (Grisso et al., 1991). Finally, women are far more likely than men to be sexually assaulted. The National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) found women were 10 times more likely to be raped or sexually assaulted than were men (Bastian, 1995). The annual rate of rape is estimated to be 7.1 per 1,000 adult women, and 13 percent of all women will experience forcible rape sometime during their lives (Kilpatrick et al., 1994).

The exact dimensions of violence against women are frequently disputed, yet even conservative estimates indicate that millions of American women experience violent victimization. The fear of violence, in particular the fear of rape, affects many more, if not most, women (Gordon and Riger, 1989). A few researchers have even suggested that learning to cope with the threat of violent victimization is a normative developmental task for females in the United States (Gilfus, 1995).

In spite of the attention that has been paid to violence against women in recent years, the research endeavor is relatively young, and much remains unknown. There really is no one field focused on violence against women per se. For example, studies on rape and sexual assault are distinct from those on intimate partner violence, which is distinct from the nascent study of stalking. And all this research is separate from that on violence in general. Many of the studies in this newly emerging field of research on violence against women are at an early stage of scientific rigor. The methodological weaknesses in the research on battering and rape have been discussed at length in other documents (Rosenbaum, 1988; Gelles, 1990; Koss, 1992, 1993; Rosenfeld, 1992; Smith, 1994). Definitions differ from study to study, making comparisons

difficult. Much of the research on both victims and perpetrators is based on clinical samples, samples of convenience, or other nonrandomized samples, so one cannot draw general conclusions. Sample sizes are often quite small. Only recently have sophisticated statistical analyses been used. Yet in spite of all the shortcomings, a lot has been learned about the extent of violence against women, about perpetrators of violence, and about the effects on victims.

What Is Violence Against Women?

The term violence against women has been used to describe a wide range of acts, including murder, rape and sexual assault, physical assault, emotional abuse, battering, stalking, prostitution, genital mutilation, sexual harassment, and pornography. There is little consensus in the still evolving field on exactly how to define violence against women. The major contention concerns whether to strictly define the word ''violence" or to think of the phrase "violence against women" more broadly as aggressive behaviors that adversely and disproportionately affect women.

Researchers in such fields as sociology and criminology tend to prefer definitions that narrowly define violence, definitions that can be operationalized. For example, Gelles and Straus (1979) defined violence as "any act carried out with the intention of, or perceived intention of, causing physical pain or injury to another person." Similarly, the National Research Council (NRC) report Understanding and Preventing Violence (Reiss and Roth, 1993) limited its definition to "behavior by persons against persons that intentionally threatens, attempts, or actually inflicts physical harm." The 1993 NRC study deliberately excluded behavior that inflicts harm unintentionally, while the Gelles and Straus definition includes behaviors that may be unintentional but are perceived by the victim to be intentional. The 1993 NRC study also specifically excluded from its definition of violence such events as verbal abuse, harassment, or humiliation, in which

psychological trauma is the sole harm to the victim. However, in its consideration of family violence and sexual assault, the report did include the psychological consequences of threatened physical injury.

In contrast to those definitions, researchers in such fields as psychology, mental health, and social work frequently consider "violence" to cover a wider range of behaviors. The Committee on Family Violence of the National Institute of Mental Health (1992) included in its definition of violence "acts that are physically and emotionally harmful or that carry the potential to cause physical harm … [and] may also include sexual coercion or assaults, physical intimidation, threats to kill or to harm, restraint of normal activities or freedom, and denial of access to resources." The Task Force on Male Violence Against Women of the American Psychological Association defined violence as ''physical, visual, verbal, or sexual acts that are experienced by a woman or a girl as a threat, invasion, or assault and that have the effect of hurting her or degrading her and/or taking away her ability to control contact (intimate or otherwise) with another individual" (Koss et al., 1994). Those who argue for these broader definitions suggest they more accurately represent the experiences of victims, who often say they find verbal and psychological abuse more harmful than actual physical abuse (Walker, 1979; Follingstad et al., 1990; Herman, 1995).

In the field of intimate partner violence or battering, the problem of violence against women is frequently characterized as one of coercive control that is maintained by tactics such as physical violence, psychological abuse, sexual violence, and denial of resources. The concern is with the array of behaviors that are used to dominate women. Physical violence need not be used often to be effective: "In fact, abusers may regret resorting to violence, but may perceive themselves as 'driven to it' when their other methods of enforcing subordination are insufficient" (Herman, 1995:2). In the field of rape, fear is a key element; it is an overriding concern for many women (Warr, 1985; Gordon and Riger, 1989; Klod-

awsky and Lundy, 1994). Even though women are less frequently the victims of violent crime than men, women fear crime more (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 1991) and this fear appears to be largely based on their fear of rape (Riger et al., 1981). Many feminist theorists contend that this fear of rape serves to intimidate and control all women (e.g., Griffin, 1971; Brownmiller, 1975; Dworkin, 1991).

Although research would benefit from more unified definitions, the panel understands the difficulty of reaching agreement on definitional issues in light of the many complex behaviors that are involved. The panel held lengthy discussions on defining violence against women, focused on the key issue of whether psychological abuse should be included. The panel concluded that it could not resolve a question that is so open among researchers and that a global definition was not necessary for carrying out the task of reviewing what is known and recommending needed research (see below). Thus, the panel agreed that this study would be primarily a review of the literature on intimate partner violence (battering), rape, and sexual assault. The study does not include violence that occurs in conjunction with other crimes, such as robbery, burglary, or car theft. Nor does it include prostitution, sexual harassment, or issues such as genital mutilation, dowry murders, and trafficking in women that are more relevant internationally than in the United States.

Whether one uses a narrow definition confined to physical and sexual violence or one accepts a broader definition of violence against women, definitional debates also surround each of the individual components. For example, how does one define rape or sexual assault? Should all physical aggression or use of force be considered violent? What constitutes psychological abuse? These questions affect both the research that is done and how much it can be generalized.

Rape and Sexual Assault

Although all definitions of rape, sexual assault, and re-

lated terms include the notion of nonconsensual sexual behavior, the definitions used by researchers have varied along several dimensions. These include the behaviors specified, the criteria for nonconsent, the individuals involved, and who decides whether rape or sexual assault has occurred (Muehlenhard et al., 1992; Koss, 1993).

Many data sources and some researchers rely on legal definitions of rape, but those definitions differ from state to state and change over time. In common law, rape was traditionally defined as "carnal knowledge [penile-vaginal penetration only] of a female forcibly and against her will" (Bienen, 1980:174). The FBI's Uniform Crime Report (1993) still uses this narrow definition of rape even though most states have reformed their rape laws during the past 20 years. There have been three common reforms:

• broadening the definition to include sexual penetration of any type, including vaginal, anal, or oral penetration, whether by penis, fingers, or objects;
• focusing on the offender's behavior rather than the victim's resistance; and
• restricting the use of the victim's prior sexual conduct as evidence.

Many states have also removed the marital exemption from their rape laws. Some states and the U.S. Code (18 U.S.C. § 2241-2245) have replaced the term "rape" with terms such as "sexual assault," "sexual battery," or "sexual abuse'' (Epstein and Langenbahn, 1994). Many laws now have a series of graded offenses defined by the presence or absence of aggravating conditions, making sexual assault laws similar to other assault laws. For example, the U.S. Code uses the categories aggravated sexual abuse when someone "knowingly causes another person to engage in a sexual act by using force against that other person, or by threatening or placing that other person in fear that any person will be subjected to death, serious bodily injury, or kidnapping" or by knowingly causing

another person to become incapable of giving consent by rendering them unconscious or administering intoxicants. Sexual abuse involves lesser threats or engaging in sexual acts with a person who cannot give consent.

The definition of rape or sexual assault used in a research study has an effect on who is counted as a rape victim. The type of screening questions, the use of the word rape versus the use of behavioral descriptions, and other considerations all affect the research results (Koss et al., 1994). Higher rates of rape and sexual assault are found when behavioral descriptions and multiple questions are used than when surveys ask directly about rape or sexual assault. Women may not label experiences that meet the legal definition of rape or sexual assault as such, particularly if the perpetrator was an intimate partner or an acquaintance. The use of behavioral descriptions in studies assures that what is being measured are experiences rather than an individual's conceptions of the words rape or sexual assault.

In this report, rape means forced or coerced penetration—vaginal, anal, or oral; "sexual assault" means other forced or coerced sexual acts not involving penetration; and "sexual violence" includes both rape and sexual assault.

Physical Violence

Although defining physical violence would seem to be more clear-cut, there are disagreements both over definitions and measurement. As noted above, some researchers include only acts that were intended to cause physical harm or injury (Reiss and Roth, 1993); others argue that intentionality may be difficult to ascertain, and therefore physical violence should also include acts that are perceived as having the intention of producing physical harm or injury (Gelles and Straus, 1979). Akin to intentionality is the consideration of the context of the act. For example, should an action taken in self-defense be considered violent? Should an act be considered violent only if an injury occurs, or is the potential for

injury sufficient? Some definitions of physical violence, following legal models of assault, include threats of physical harm; others consider that threats fall under verbal or psychological abuse (Straus, 1990a). There is disagreement about whether behaviors such as slapping a spouse should be equated with more severe acts such as kicking or using a weapon. How violence is defined and measured influences the rate of violence found in a study: all else being equal, the broader the definition, the higher the level of violence reported (Smith, 1994).

Physical violence is most commonly measured by the Conflict Tactic Scales (Straus, 1979, 1990b) or some modification of it. Such scales ask about the occurrence of various representative behaviors. For example, the Conflict Tactic Scales list nine physical violence items:

• threw something at you;
• pushed, grabbed, or shoved you;
• slapped you;
• kicked, bit, or hit you with a fist;
• hit or tried to hit you with something;
• beat you up;
• choked you;
• threatened you with a knife or gun; and
• used a knife or fired a gun.

The last six behaviors in this list are considered to be "severe" physical violence.

In this report, "physical violence" refers to behaviors that threaten, attempt, or actually inflict physical harm. The behaviors listed in the Conflict Tactic Scales, while not all inclusive, typify the type of behaviors meant by physical violence. In this report, "severe" violence refers to the type of behaviors typified by the severe violence items on the scales.

Psychological Abuse

Psychological abuse (also refered to as psychological maltreatment or emotional abuse) has received less research attention than physical or sexual violence, and hence there have been fewer attempts to define it. At a minimum, psychological abuse refers to psychological acts that cause psychological harm (McGee and Wolfe, 1991). It has been argued that separating physical and psychological conditions "overly simplifies the topic and denies reality" (Hart and Brassard, 1991:63): physically violent acts can have psychological consequences and psychological acts can have physical consequences. The difficulty of separating physical violence and psychological abuse is exemplified by the treatment of threats of physical violence, with researchers split over whether to classify such threats as physical violence or psychological abuse. As with physical violence, there is debate about intentionality, that is, must the offender intend harm for an act to be considered abuse? Deciphering the intention of a psychological act may be even more difficult than for a physical act, and so intention is generally not included in defining psychological abuse.

On the basis of descriptions of psychological abuse as reported by battered women, Follingstad et al. (1990) described the following categories of behavior as psychological abuse:

• verbal attacks such as ridicule, verbal harassment, and name calling, designed to make the woman believe she is not worthwhile in order to keep her under the control of the abuser;
• isolation that separates a woman from her social support networks or denies her access to finances and other resources, thus limiting her independence;
• extreme jealousy or possessiveness, such as excessive monitoring of her behavior, repeated accusations of infidelity, and controlling with whom she has contact;
• verbal threats of abuse, harm, or torture directed at the woman herself or at her family, children, or friends;
• repeated threats of abandonment, divorce, or of initiating an affair if the woman does not comply with the abuser's wishes; and
• damage or destruction of the woman's personal property.

Similar to measurements of physical violence, inventories or scales of representative behaviors are used to measure psychological abuse. The Conflict Tactics Scales subscale on verbal aggression (Straus and Gelles, 1990) measures some aspects of psychological abuse: items include "insulted or swore at you," "did or said something to spite you," "threatened to hit or throw something at you," and ''threw or smashed or hit or kicked something." Other measures that have undergone validity testing are the Psychological Maltreatment of Women Inventory, which consists of 58 behavioral items (Tolman, 1988) and the Abusive Behavior Inventory, which includes items on both physical and psychological acts (Shepard and Campbell, 1992).

Interviews with battered women have detailed clear-cut examples of extreme psychological abuse occurring between and in conjunction with physically violent episodes. Psychological abuse frequently occurs with physical violence (Walker, 1979; Browne, 1987; Follingstad et al., 1990; Hart and Brassard, 1991), and research has repeatedly shown a strong association between psychological abuse and physical and sexual violence (e.g., O'Leary and Curley, 1986; Margolin et al., 1988; Sabourin et al., 1993). Some battered women describe psychological abuse—particularly ridicule—as constituting the most paintful abuse they experienced (Martin, 1976; Walker, 1979, 1984; Follingstad et al., 1990). It has been suggested that ridicule may undermine a woman's self-worth, making her less able to cope with both physical violence and psychological abuse (Follingstad et al., 1990). Studies of child abuse have similarly shown that psychological maltreatment is present in most cases of physical abuse, and it predicts detrimental outcomes for children while severity of physical

abuse does not (Claussen and Crittenden, 1991; Hart and Brassard, 1991).

In this report, "psychological abuse" refers to the types of behaviors described by Follingstad et al. (1990) and listed above, with the exception of threats of physical violence, which this report considers under physical violence. There is no separate section of the report devoted to psychological abuse because it has received very little study in and of itself. Rather, it is considered to be part of the pattern of behavior of serious physical violence, psychological abuse, and sometimes sexual violence, between intimate partners that has been well described (e.g., Martin, 1976; Dobash and Dobash, 1979; Walker, 1979; Browne, 1987). This pattern of behavior has been referred to in many terms, including domestic violence, spouse abuse, battering, and wife beating. "Wife beating" and "spouse abuse" imply married couples, although all intimate relationships—cohabiting, dating, and lesbian and gay couples—are frequently meant to be included under these terms. "Domestic violence," although usually referring to violence between intimate partners, is sometimes used to mean all forms of family violence, including child abuse, spouse abuse, sibling abuse, and elder abuse. These conflicting and overlapping terms and their uses are confusing in the study of violence against women.

In this report, "intimate partner violence" and "battering" are used synonymously to refer to the pattern of violent and abusive behaviors by intimate partners, that is, spouses, ex-spouses, boyfriends and girlfriends, and ex-boyfriends and ex-girlfriend. 2 The term batterer is used to mean the perpetrator of intimate partner violence, and battered woman, the victim.

In research studies, dating couples are sometimes considered as intimate partners and sometimes as acquaintances. "Acquaintance" generally refers to someone known to the victim but neither related nor an intimate. Particularly in crime data, it is not always clear what acquaintance means; it may include dating couples. Hence, date rape and dating

violence are sometimes included in crime data as violence by nonintimate acquaintances.

Battered women who have left their batterers have described being stalked by the batterer (e.g., Walker, 1979). This behavior includes following and threatening the woman, repeated harassing phone calls, threatening her family, and breaking into her living quarters. Anecdotal evidence suggests that some batterers go to extraordinary lengths to track down their victims and that women who are stalked by expartners may be at high risk of being killed. Although descriptive information about stalking is available, few data exist.

The acknowledgment of stalking as a crime is a fairly recent phenomenon. California passed the first antistalking law in 1990 (Sohn, 1994); today, 48 states and the District of Columbia have passed antistalking statutes (Boychuk, 1994). Most state statutes define stalking as willful, malicious, and repeated following and harassing of another person. Many statutes include in the definition the intent to place the victim in reasonable fear of sexual battery, bodily injury, or death.

The Panel's Charge And Scope

In the Violence Against Women Act of 1994 (Title IV of P.L. 103-322, the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994), Congress directed the National Research Council to develop a research agenda on violence against women (Chapter 9, § 40291):

The Attorney General shall request the National Academy of Sciences, through its National Research Council, to enter into a contract to develop a research agenda to increase the understanding and control of violence against women, including rape and domestic violence. In furtherance of the

contract, the National Academy shall convene a panel of nationally recognized experts on violence against women, in the fields of law, medicine, criminal justice, and direct services to victims and experts on domestic violence in diverse, ethnic, social, and language minority communities and the social sciences. In setting the agenda, the Academy shall focus primarily on preventive, educative, social, and legal strategies, including addressing the needs of underserved populations.

In convening the Panel on Research on Violence Against Women, the National Research Council specifically charged the panel with the following tasks:

• synthesize the relevant research literature and develop a framework for clarifying what is known about the nature and scope of violence against women, including rape and domestic violence;
• supplement the research review with lessons learned by field professionals and service providers, including providers of services to ethnic, social, and language minorities; and
• identify promising areas of research to improve knowledge of the scope of the problem, and implementation and evaluation of preventive, educative, social, and legal interventions for dealing with violence against women.

In carrying out its charge, the panel limited its consideration to violence against women aged 12 and older. Child abuse and neglect and child sexual abuse were outside the purview of this panel and are covered by the report Understanding Child Abuse and Neglect (National Research Council, 1993), with a thorough research agenda.

The age of 12 was selected for several reasons. First, the types of violence to which teenage females are exposed are often more similar to violence directed at adult women than that directed at children. Second, sex offenders who prey on children seem to be quite different from those who target adolescent and adult women (Quinsey, 1984; Prentky, 1990).

Third, surveys on violence, such as The National Crime Victims Survey (NCVS), often include victims beginning at age 12. In addition, the highest rates of rape and sexual assault are found among women aged 12 to 24 years (Bachman and Saltzman, 1995): females in their teens and 20s are those most likely to be dating, and, therefore, subject to dating violence.

The panel's main task was to lay out a research agenda to improve understanding of violence and controlling that violence in the context of women's lives. This entailed reviewing the literature on intimate partner violence, rape, sexual assault, and stalking. The panel concentrated on studies published in peer-reviewed journals within the past 10 years, although very well-known or unique studies that were published earlier are also reviewed. The panel relied both on computerized literature searches, the expertise of various panel members, and monitoring a number of journals devoted to issues of violence. More than 300 journal articles and dozens of books were reviewed, many of which are cited in this report. The panel supplemented its literature review by holding a workshop of researchers and practitioners (see Appendix B ).

The panel's review and analysis is divided into three topics: nature and scope, causes and consequences, and preventive and treatment interventions. Chapter 2 describes what the research shows about the nature and scope of violence against women. Chapter 3 discusses possible causes of violence against women and the consequences of violence to women and society. Chapter 4 examines preventive and treatment intervention efforts. Lastly, Chapter 5 discusses issues of research infrastructure and science policy on violence against women. Recommendations for research are discussed at the end of each chapter.

Violence against women is one factor in the growing wave of alarm about violence in American society. High-profile cases such as the O.J. Simpson trial call attention to the thousands of lesser-known but no less tragic situations in which women's lives are shattered by beatings or sexual assault.

The search for solutions has highlighted not only what we know about violence against women but also what we do not know. How can we achieve the best understanding of this problem and its complex ramifications? What research efforts will yield the greatest benefit? What are the questions that must be answered?

Understanding Violence Against Women presents a comprehensive overview of current knowledge and identifies four areas with the greatest potential return from a research investment by increasing the understanding of and responding to domestic violence and rape:

• What interventions are designed to do, whom they are reaching, and how to reach the many victims who do not seek help.
• Factors that put people at risk of violence and that precipitate violence, including characteristics of offenders.
• The scope of domestic violence and sexual assault in America and its conequences to individuals, families, and society, including costs.
• How to structure the study of violence against women to yield more useful knowledge.

Despite the news coverage and talk shows, the real fundamental nature of violence against women remains unexplored and often misunderstood. Understanding Violence Against Women provides direction for increasing knowledge that can help ameliorate this national problem.

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Essay On Domestic Violence

500 words essay on domestic violence.

Domestic violence refers to the violence and abuse which happens in a domestic setting like cohabitation or marriage. It is important to remember that domestic violence is not just physical but any kind of behaviour that tries to gain power and control over the victim. It can affect people from all walks of life and it basically subjects towards a partner, spouse or intimate family member. Through an essay on domestic violence, we will go through its causes and effects.

Causes of Domestic Violence

Often women and children are the soft targets of domestic violence. Domestic violence is a gruesome crime that also causes a number of deaths. Some of the most common causes of domestic violence are illiteracy and economical dependency on the menfolk.

The male-dominated society plays an important role in this problem. Further, dowry is also one of the leading causes which have the consequence of violence against newly-wed brides. In many parts of the world, physically assaulting women and passing horrendous remarks is common.

Moreover, children also become victims of this inhuman behaviour more than often. It is important to recognize the double standards and hypocrisy of society. A lot of the times, the abuser is either psychotic or requires psychological counselling.

However, in a more general term, domestic violence is the outcome of cumulative irresponsible behaviour which a section of society demonstrates. It is also important to note that solely the abuser is not just responsible but also those who allow this to happen and act as mere mute spectators.

Types of Domestic Violence

Domestic violence has many ill-effects which depend on the kind of domestic violence happening. It ranges from being physical to emotional and sexual to economic. A physical abuser uses physical force which injures the victim or endangers their life.

It includes hitting, punching, choking, slapping, and other kinds of violence. Moreover, the abuser also denies the victim medical care. Further, there is emotional abuse in which the person threatens and intimidates the victim. It also includes undermining their self-worth.

It includes threatening them with harm or public humiliation. Similarly, constant name-calling and criticism also count as emotional abuse. After that, we have sexual abuse in which the perpetrator uses force for unwanted sexual activity.

If your partner does not consent to it, it is forced which makes it sexual abuse. Finally, we have economic abuse where the abuser controls the victim’s money and their economic resources.

They do this to exert control on them and make them dependent solely on them. If your partner has to beg you for money, then it counts as economic abuse. This damages the self-esteem of the victim.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

Conclusion of the Essay on Domestic Violence

To conclude, domestic violence has many forms which include physical aggression like kicking and biting and it can also be sexual or emotional. It is essential to recognize the signs of domestic violence and report the abuser if it is happening around you or to you.

FAQ of Essay on Domestic Violence

Question 1: Why is domestic violence an issue?

Answer 1: Domestic violence has a major impact on the general health and wellbeing of individuals. It is because it causes physical injury, anxiety, depression. Moreover, it also impairs social skills and increases the likelihood that they will participate in practices harmful to their health, like self-harm or substance abuse.

Question 2: How does domestic violence affect a woman?

Answer 2: Domestic violence affects women in terms of ill health. It causes serious consequences on their mental and physical health which includes reproductive and sexual health. It also includes injuries, gynaecological problems, depression, suicide and more.

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My Story of Domestic Violence Got Redacted, So I Wore It Instead

After parts of comedian and screenwriter Chelsea Devantez’s memoir, I Shouldn’t Be Telling You This, were blacked out, making a dress out of her old journal entries allowed her to speak.

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When I fell in love for the first time, I was sure we’d be together forever, but forever turned sour in just a few short months. I’d heard that my boyfriend cheated on me, so I angrily confronted him in a park. ​​He looked off to the side and started shuffling backwards, as he weakly offered: Are you just gonna believe everything people tell you? The breakup happened fast. My heartache felt dramatically poetic, but it was actually quite cumbersome: I had to set my backpack down and wiggle my trembling arms free of his denim jacket one by one and hand it over. Then I had to reach behind my neck, pull at the leather knot of his shark tooth necklace, and struggle to loosen it until finally I could pull it over my head and toss it at him. With that, I had turned in all my girlfriend accoutrements.

A few days later he began begging for me back, doing wildly romantic gestures and apologizing in long monologues and handwritten letters. I happily fell back into his arms. Then something terrible would happen in the relationship and we’d break up again. His romantic gestures turned into menacing threats, and this break-up-and-get-back-together cycle continued until eventually he did three drive-by shootings of my house.

Anytime I used to tell someone this story, horror would flash across their face, and I would quickly follow it up with, “Don’t worry, it wasn’t as bad as it sounds.”

When we picture domestic violence, we often conjure a muted color palette, shadows looming in the corners, as brutal images tumble about to a vicious soundtrack. But that’s not what it like felt to live it. Abuse occurs in the mundane: It happens as you’re grabbing Skittles from 7-Eleven, and when he’s telling you how beautiful you look that day. Abuse sometimes feels like just another moment when you can’t believe what a shithead your boyfriend is, because your brain learned to ignore the red flags way back when you were even entering into the relationship. During the worst of it, I was not a shattered woman hiding in a closet; I was still wondering if my butt looked okay in my jeans or if I had left my flat iron on.

I told the story of my relationship and those shootings in my upcoming memoir, I Shouldn’t Be Telling You This , which is out on June 4. But when I turned in the manuscript, I was told to delete the story of domestic violence. They said something like, “It’s too dangerous to share.” I was enraged at the decision and I couldn’t get out of bed for days. I called in sick to work as I wrestled with the concept of deleting the entire story I’d worked my whole life to have the stamina to share.

I Shouldn't Be Telling You This: (But I'm Going to Anyway)

I am not someone you would ever expect to have been a victim of domestic violence. I’m a comedian and TV writer for a living, I love a bold lip, and sadly, I used to quote Lean In back when I made other terrible decisions, like wearing peplum tops and Santa-sized belts out to the club. You would never expect me to have been in a violent relationship, but that’s because you never expect anyone you know to be a victim of domestic violence. But statistically, it’s one in four—it’s happening to the woman next to you at the grocery store, or it could be your best friend, your mom, your sister, your girlbossing annoying manager. No one looks or acts like your typical domestic violence victim, because our stories have lived in the shadows, so much so that most people don’t know what to look for, including the ones going through it.

.css-1aear8u:before{margin:0 auto 0.9375rem;width:34px;height:25px;content:'';display:block;background-repeat:no-repeat;}.loaded .css-1aear8u:before{background-image:url(/_assets/design-tokens/elle/static/images/quote.fddce92.svg);} .css-1bvxk2j{font-family:SaolDisplay,SaolDisplay-fallback,SaolDisplay-roboto,SaolDisplay-local,Georgia,Times,serif;font-size:1.625rem;font-weight:normal;line-height:1.2;margin:0rem;margin-bottom:0.3125rem;}@media(max-width: 48rem){.css-1bvxk2j{font-size:2.125rem;line-height:1.1;}}@media(min-width: 40.625rem){.css-1bvxk2j{font-size:2.125rem;line-height:1.2;}}@media(min-width: 64rem){.css-1bvxk2j{font-size:2.25rem;line-height:1.1;}}@media(min-width: 73.75rem){.css-1bvxk2j{font-size:2.375rem;line-height:1.2;}}.css-1bvxk2j b,.css-1bvxk2j strong{font-family:inherit;font-weight:bold;}.css-1bvxk2j em,.css-1bvxk2j i{font-style:italic;font-family:inherit;}.css-1bvxk2j i,.css-1bvxk2j em{font-style:italic;} They might tell me that I can’t tell my story, but it doesn’t matter, because I already did, years ago in the pages of my journals that now rest on my skirt.”

We relegate these stories to thrillers and Lifetime movies and murder podcasts. But the more intimate partner violence stories are kept in the dark and deleted from books, the harder it is to have examples in culture of how to say something, fight back, or survive. I had wanted to tell the story of my relationship in a way that could help someone inside one recognize themselves. I even wanted to make it funny, just to be able to tell one of these stories in a genre it’s not usually allowed into. (Now, you are probably wondering how in the hell I planned to make my story funny, but what if I told you that he and his friends called themselves “The Big Dawgs” and would bark in harmony along to 2Pac songs. I mean, c’mon, that’s at least kind of funny.)

So I refused to delete it. Instead, I redacted just enough words so that technically they couldn’t tell me no. Instead of telling my story, I used the black bars in my book to tell a new one, perhaps a more important one: the story of how our systems are set up to silence victims in the name of protection. And now, my comedy gal memoir is more blacked out than a bachelor party.

Before turning in my final draft, I fact checked everything in the book with the dozens of journals I had kept when I was younger. When I began to read through them, I found that a younger me had written pages and pages of details that would put Brett Kavanaugh’s so-called calendars to shame. As my fingers paged through each diary, I realized that despite thinking that “maybe it wasn’t that bad,” it was, in fact, far worse than I had ever remembered. That’s when I decided to do what any traumatized debut author slash comedian might: I scanned 900 pages of my journals via an app on my phone and sent them to the designer Diego Montoya to make into a dress for me to wear on my book tour.

They might tell me that I can’t tell my story, but it doesn’t matter, because I already did, years ago in the pages of my journals that now rest on my skirt.

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Exploring factors influencing domestic violence: a comprehensive study on intrafamily dynamics

Cintya lanchimba.

1 Departamento de Economía Cuantitativa, Facultad de Ciencias Escuela Politécnica Nacional, Quito, Ecuador

2 Institut de Recherche en Gestion et Economie, Université de Savoie Mont Blanc (IREGE/IAE Savoie Mont Blanc), Annecy, France

Juan Pablo Díaz-Sánchez

Franklin velasco.

3 Department of Marketing, Universidad San Francisco de Quito USFQ, Quito, Ecuador

Associated Data

The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors, without undue reservation.

Introduction

This econometric analysis investigates the nexus between household factors and domestic violence. By considering diverse variables encompassing mood, depression, health consciousness, social media engagement, household chores, density, and religious affiliation, the study aims to comprehend the underlying dynamics influencing domestic violence.

Employing econometric techniques, this study examined a range of household-related variables for their potential associations with levels of violence within households. Data on mood, depression, health consciousness, social media usage, household chores, density, and religious affiliation were collected and subjected to rigorous statistical analysis.

The findings of this study unveil notable relationships between the aforementioned variables and levels of violence within households. Positive mood emerges as a mitigating factor, displaying a negative correlation with violence. Conversely, depression positively correlates with violence, indicating an elevated propensity for conflict. Increased health consciousness is linked with diminished violence, while engagement with social media demonstrates a moderating influence. Reduction in the time allocated to household chores corresponds with lower violence levels. Household density, however, exhibits a positive association with violence. The effects of religious affiliation on violence manifest diversely, contingent upon household position and gender.

The outcomes of this research offer critical insights for policymakers and practitioners working on formulating strategies for preventing and intervening in instances of domestic violence. The findings emphasize the importance of considering various household factors when designing effective interventions. Strategies to bolster positive mood, alleviate depression, encourage health consciousness, and regulate social media use could potentially contribute to reducing domestic violence. Additionally, the nuanced role of religious affiliation underscores the need for tailored approaches based on household dynamics, positioning, and gender.

1. Introduction

Intimate partner violence is a pervasive global issue, particularly affecting women. According to the World Health Organization ( 1 ), approximately 30% of women worldwide have experienced violence from their intimate partners. Disturbingly, recent studies indicate that circumstances such as the COVID-19 pandemic, which disrupt daily lives on a global scale, have exacerbated patterns of violence against women ( 2 – 4 ). Data from the WHO ( 1 ) regarding gender-based violence during the pandemic reveals that one in three women felt insecure within their homes due to family conflicts with their partners.

This pressing issue of intimate partner violence demands a thorough analysis from a social perspective. It is often insidious and challenging to identify, as cultural practices and the normalization of abusive behaviors, such as physical aggression and verbal abuse, persist across diverse socioeconomic backgrounds. However, all forms of violence can inflict physical and psychological harm on victims, affecting their overall well-being and interpersonal relationships WHO ( 5 ). Furthermore, households with a prevalence of domestic violence are more likely to experience child maltreatment ( 6 ).

In this context, the COVID-19 pandemic has had profound effects on individuals, families, and communities worldwide, creating a complex landscape of challenges and disruptions. Among the numerous repercussions, the pandemic has exposed and exacerbated issues of domestic violence within households. The confinement measures, economic strain, and heightened stress levels resulting from the pandemic have contributed to a volatile environment where violence can escalate. Understanding the factors that influence domestic violence during this unprecedented crisis is crucial for developing effective prevention and intervention strategies.

This article aims to explore the relationship between household factors and domestic violence within the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. By employing econometric analysis, we investigate how various factors such as mood, depression, health consciousness, social media usage, household chores, density, and religious affiliation relate to violence levels within households. These factors were selected based on their relevance to the unique circumstances and challenges presented by the pandemic.

The study builds upon existing research that has demonstrated the influence of individual and household characteristics on domestic violence. However, the specific context of the pandemic necessitates a deeper examination of these factors and their implications for violence within households. By focusing on variables that are particularly relevant in the crisis, we aim to provide a comprehensive understanding of the dynamics that contribute to intrafamily violence during the pandemic.

The findings of this study have important implications for policymakers, practitioners, and researchers involved in addressing domestic violence. By identifying the factors that either increase or mitigate violence within households, we can develop targeted interventions and support systems to effectively respond to the unique challenges posed by the pandemic. Furthermore, this research contributes to the broader literature on domestic violence by highlighting the distinct influence of household factors within the context of a global health crisis.

The structure of this paper is organized as follows. Section 2 provides a comprehensive review of the relevant literature on household violence. Section 3 presents the case study that forms the basis of this research. Section 4 outlines the methodology employed in the study. Section 5 presents the results obtained from the empirical analysis. Finally, Section 6 concludes the paper, summarizing the key findings and their implications for addressing domestic violence.

2. Literature review

2.1. violence at home.

Throughout human history, the family unit has been recognized as the fundamental building block of society. Families are comprised of individuals bound by blood or marriage, and they are ideally regarded as havens of love, care, affection, and personal growth, where individuals should feel secure and protected. Unfortunately, it is distressingly common to find alarming levels of violence, abuse, and aggression within the confines of the home ( 7 ).

Domestic violence, as defined by Tan and Haining ( 8 ), encompasses any form of violent behavior directed toward family members, regardless of their gender, resulting in physical, sexual, or psychological harm. It includes acts of threats, coercion, and the deprivation of liberty. This pervasive issue is recognized as a public health problem that affects all nations. It is important to distinguish between domestic violence (DV) and intimate partner violence (IPV), as they are related yet distinct phenomena. DV occurs within the family unit, affecting both parents and children. On the other hand, IPV refers to violent and controlling acts perpetrated by one partner against another, encompassing physical aggression (such as hitting, kicking, and beating), sexual, economic, verbal, or emotional harm ( 9 , 10 ). IPV can occur between partners who cohabit or not, and typically involves male partners exerting power and control over their female counterparts. However, it is crucial to acknowledge that there are cases where men are also victims of violence ( 11 ).

Both forms of violence, DV and IPV, take place within the home. However, when acts of violence occur in the presence of children, regardless of whether they directly experience physical harm or simply witness the violence, the consequences can be profoundly detrimental ( 12 , 13 ).

Understanding the intricacies and dynamics of domestic violence and its impact on individuals and families is of paramount importance. The consequences of such violence extend beyond the immediate victims, affecting the overall well-being and social fabric of society. Therefore, it is crucial to explore the various factors that contribute to domestic violence, including those specific to the current context of the COVID-19 pandemic, in order to inform effective prevention and intervention strategies. In the following sections, we will examine the empirical findings regarding household factors and their association with domestic violence, shedding light on the complexities and nuances of this pervasive issue.

2.2. Drivers of domestic violence

As previously discussed, the occurrence of violence within the home carries significant consequences for individuals’ lives. Consequently, gaining an understanding of the underlying factors that contribute to this violence is crucial. To this end, Table 1 provides a comprehensive summary of the most commonly identified determinants of domestic violence within the existing literature.

Determinants of domestic violence.

Adapted and improved from the classification proposed by Visaria ( 16 ).

Identifying these determinants is a vital step toward comprehending the complex nature of domestic violence. By synthesizing the findings from numerous studies, Table 1 presents a consolidated overview of the factors that have been consistently associated with domestic violence. This compilation serves as a valuable resource for researchers, practitioners, and policymakers seeking to address and mitigate the prevalence of domestic violence.

The determinants presented in Table 1 encompass various variables, including socio-economic factors, mental health indicators, interpersonal dynamics, and other relevant aspects. By examining and analyzing these determinants, researchers have made significant progress in uncovering the underlying causes and risk factors associated with domestic violence.

It is important to note that the determinants listed in Table 1 represent recurring themes in the literature and are not an exhaustive representation of all potential factors influencing domestic violence. The complex nature of this issue necessitates ongoing research and exploration to deepen our understanding of the multifaceted dynamics at play. Thus, we categorize these factors into two groups to provide a comprehensive understanding of the issue.

Group A focuses on variables that characterize both the victim and the aggressor, which may act as potential deterrents against femicide. Previous research by Alonso-Borrego and Carrasco ( 17 ), Anderberg et al. ( 18 ), Sen ( 19 ), and Visaria ( 16 ) has highlighted the significance of factors such as age, level of education, employment status, occupation, and religious affiliation. These individual characteristics play a role in shaping the dynamics of domestic violence and can influence the likelihood of its occurrence.

Group B aims to capture risk factors that contribute to the presence of violence within the home. One prominent risk factor is overcrowding, which can lead to psychological, social, and economic problems within the family, ultimately affecting the health of its members. Research by Van de Velde et al. ( 21 ), Walker-Descartes et al. ( 23 ), Malik and Naeem ( 2 ) supports the notion that individuals experiencing such distress may resort to exerting force or violence on other family members as a means of releasing their frustration. Additionally, Goodman ( 32 ) have highlighted the increased risk of violence in households with multiple occupants, particularly in cases where individuals are confined to a single bedroom. These concepts can be further explored through variables related to health, depression, anxiety, and stress, providing valuable insights into the mechanisms underlying domestic violence.

By investigating these factors, our study enhances the existing understanding of the complex dynamics of domestic violence within the unique context of the pandemic. The COVID-19 crisis has exacerbated various stressors and challenges within households, potentially intensifying the risk of violence. Understanding the interplay between these factors and domestic violence is essential for the development of targeted interventions and support systems to mitigate violence and its consequences.

2.3. Demographic characteristics (A)

2.3.1. education level (a1).

According to Sen ( 19 ), the education level of the victim, typically women, or the head of household is a significant antecedent of domestic violence. Women’s access to and completion of secondary education play a crucial role in enhancing their capacity and control over their lives. Higher levels of education not only foster confidence and self-esteem but also empower women to seek help and resources, ultimately reducing their tolerance for domestic violence. Babu and Kar ( 33 ), Semahegn and Mengistie ( 34 ) support this perspective by demonstrating that women with lower levels of education and limited work opportunities are more vulnerable to experiencing violence.

When women assume the role of the head of the household, the likelihood of violence within the household, whether domestic or intimate partner violence, increases significantly. This has severe physical and mental health implications for both the woman and other family members, and in the worst-case scenario, it can result in the tragic loss of life ( 22 , 23 , 35 ).

Conversely, men’s economic frustration or their inability to fulfill the societal expectation of being the “head of household” is also a prominent factor contributing to the perpetration of physical and sexual violence within the home ( 36 ).The frustration arising from economic difficulties, combined with the frequent use of drugs and alcohol, exacerbates the likelihood of violent behavior.

These findings underscore the importance of addressing socio-economic disparities and promoting gender equality in preventing and combating domestic violence. By enhancing women’s access to education, improving economic opportunities, and challenging traditional gender roles, we can create a more equitable and violence-free society. Additionally, interventions targeting men’s economic empowerment and addressing substance abuse issues can play a pivotal role in reducing violence within the home.

2.3.2. Employment and occupation (A2)

Macroeconomic conditions, specifically differences in unemployment rates between men and women, have been found to impact domestic violence. Research suggests that an increase of 1% in the male unemployment rate is associated with an increase in physical violence within the home, while an increase in the female unemployment rate is linked to a reduction in violence ( 37 ).

Moreover, various studies ( 34 , 35 , 38 , 39 ) have highlighted the relationship between domestic violence and the husband’s working conditions, such as workload and job quality, as well as the income he earns. The exercise of authority within the household and the use of substances that alter behavior are also associated with domestic violence.

Within this context, economic gender-based violence is a prevalent but lesser-known form of violence compared to physical or sexual violence. It involves exerting unacceptable economic control over a partner, such as allocating limited funds for expenses or preventing them from working to maintain economic dependence. This form of violence can also manifest through excessive and unsustainable spending without consulting the partner. Economic gender-based violence is often a “silent” form of violence, making it more challenging to detect and prove ( 40 ).

Empowerment becomes a gender challenge that can lead to increased violence, as men may experience psychological stress when faced with the idea of women earning more than them ( 14 , 18 ). Lastly, Alonso-Borrego and Carrasco ( 17 ) and Tur-Prats ( 41 ) conclude that intrafamily violence decreases only when the woman’s partner is also employed, highlighting the significance of economic factors in influencing domestic violence dynamics.

Understanding the interplay between macroeconomic conditions, employment, and economic control within intimate relationships is crucial for developing effective interventions and policies aimed at reducing domestic violence. By addressing the underlying economic inequalities and promoting gender equality in both the labor market and household dynamics, we can work toward creating safer and more equitable environments that contribute to the prevention of domestic violence.

2.3.3. Religion (A3)

Religion and spiritual beliefs have been found to play a significant role in domestic violence dynamics. Certain religious interpretations and teachings can contribute to the acceptance of violence, particularly against women, as a form of submission or obedience. This phenomenon is prevalent in Middle Eastern countries, where religious texts such as the Bible and the Qur’an are often quoted to justify and perpetuate gender-based violence ( 20 ).

For example, in the book of Ephesians 5:22–24, the Bible states that wives should submit themselves to their husbands, equating the husband’s authority to that of the Lord. Similarly, the Qur’an emphasizes the importance of wives being sexually available to their husbands in all aspects of their relationship. These religious teachings can create a belief system where women are expected to endure mistreatment and forgive their abusive partners ( 15 ).

The influence of religious beliefs and practices can complicate a woman’s decision to leave an abusive relationship, particularly when marriage is considered a sacred institution. Feelings of guilt and difficulties in seeking support or ending the relationship can arise due to the belief that marriage is ordained by God ( 15 ).

It is important to note that the response of religious congregations and communities to domestic violence can vary. In some cases, if abuse is ignored or not condemned, it may perpetuate the cycle of violence and hinder efforts to support victims and hold perpetrators accountable. However, in other instances, religious organizations may provide emotional support and assistance through dedicated sessions aimed at helping all affected family members heal and address the violence ( 20 ).

Recognizing the influence of religious beliefs on domestic violence is crucial for developing comprehensive interventions and support systems that address the specific challenges faced by individuals within religious contexts. This includes promoting awareness, education, and dialog within religious communities to foster an understanding that violence is never acceptable and to facilitate a safe environment for victims to seek help and healing.

2.4. Presence of risk factor (B)

2.4.1. depression, anxiety, and stress (b1).

Within households, the occurrence of violence is unfortunately prevalent, often stemming from economic constraints, social and psychological problems, depression, and stress. These factors instill such fear in the victims that they are often hesitant to report the abuse to the authorities ( 42 ).

Notably, when women assume the role of heads of households, they experience significantly higher levels of depression compared to men ( 21 ). This study highlights that the presence of poverty, financial struggles, and the ensuing violence associated with these circumstances significantly elevate the risk of women experiencing severe health disorders, necessitating urgent prioritization of their well-being. Regrettably, in low-income countries where cases of depression are on the rise within public hospitals, the provision of adequate care becomes an insurmountable challenge ( 21 ).

These findings underscore the urgent need for comprehensive support systems and targeted interventions that address the multifaceted impact of domestic violence on individuals’ mental and physical health. Furthermore, effective policies should be implemented to alleviate economic hardships and provide accessible mental health services, particularly in low-income settings. By addressing the underlying factors contributing to violence within households and ensuring adequate care for those affected, society can take significant strides toward breaking the cycle of violence and promoting a safer and more supportive environment for individuals and families.

2.4.2. Retention tendency (B2)

Many societies, particularly in Africa, are characterized by a deeply ingrained patriarchal social structure, where men hold the belief that they have the right to exert power and control over their partners ( 31 ). This ideology of patriarchy is often reinforced by women themselves, who may adhere to traditional gender roles and view marital abuse as a norm rather than recognizing it as an act of violence. This acceptance of abuse is influenced by societal expectations and cultural norms that prioritize the preservation of marriage and the submission of women.

Within these contexts, there is often a preference for male children over female children, as males are seen as essential for carrying on the family name and lineage ( 43 ). This preference is also reflected in the distribution of property and decision-making power within households, where males are given greater rights and authority. Such gender-based inequalities perpetuate the cycle of power imbalances and contribute to the normalization of violence against women.

It is important to note that men can also be victims of domestic violence. However, societal and cultural norms have long portrayed men as strong and superior figures, making it challenging for male victims to come forward and report their abusers due to the fear of being stigmatized and rejected by society ( 16 ). The cultural expectations surrounding masculinity create barriers for men seeking help and support, further perpetuating the silence around male victimization.

These cultural dynamics underscore the complexity of domestic violence within patriarchal societies. Challenging and dismantling deeply rooted gender norms and power structures is essential for addressing domestic violence effectively. This includes promoting gender equality, empowering women, and engaging men and boys in efforts to combat violence. It also requires creating safe spaces and support systems that encourage both women and men to break the silence, seek help, and challenge the harmful societal narratives that perpetuate violence and victim-blaming.

2.4.3. Density (B3)

Moreover, the issue of overcrowding within households has emerged as another important factor influencing domestic violence. Overcrowding refers to the stress caused by the presence of a large number of individuals in a confined space, leading to a lack of control over one’s environment ( 44 ). This overcrowding can have a detrimental impact on the psychological well-being of household members, thereby negatively affecting their internal relationships.

The freedom to use spaces within the home and the ability to control interactions with others have been identified as crucial factors that contribute to satisfaction with the home environment and the way individuals relate to each other. In this regard, studies have shown that when households are crowded, and individuals lack personal space and control over their living conditions, the risk of violence may increase ( 45 ).

Furthermore, investigations conducted during periods of extensive confinement, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, have shed light on the significance of other environmental factors within homes ( 46 ). For instance, aspects like proper ventilation and adequate living space have been found to influence the overall quality of life and the health of household inhabitants.

These findings emphasize the importance of considering the physical living conditions and environmental factors within households when examining the dynamics of domestic violence. Addressing issues of overcrowding, promoting healthy and safe living environments, and ensuring access to basic amenities and resources are crucial steps in reducing the risk of violence and improving the well-being of individuals and families within their homes.

2.4.4. Reason for confrontation (B4)

Another form of violence that exists within households is abandonment and neglect, which manifests through a lack of protection, insufficient physical care, neglecting emotional needs, and disregarding proper nutrition and medical care ( 47 ). This definition highlights that any member of the family can be subjected to this form of violence, underscoring the significance of recognizing its various manifestations.

In this complex context, negative thoughts and emotions can arise, leading to detrimental consequences. For instance, suspicions of infidelity and feelings of jealousy can contribute to a decrease in the partner’s self-esteem, ultimately triggering intimate partner violence that inflicts physical, social, and health damages ( 32 , 48 ).

Furthermore, it is important to acknowledge the intimate connection between domestic violence and civil issues. Marital conflicts, particularly when accompanied by violence, whether physical or psychological, can lead to a profound crisis within the relationship, often resulting in divorce. Unfortunately, the process of obtaining a divorce or establishing parental arrangements can be protracted, creating additional friction and potentially exacerbating gender-based violence ( 49 ).

These dynamics underscore the complex interplay between domestic violence and broader social, emotional, and legal contexts. Understanding these interconnected factors is crucial for developing effective interventions and support systems that address the multifaceted nature of domestic violence, promote healthy relationships, and safeguard the well-being of individuals and families within the home.

Finally, despite the multitude of factors identified in the existing literature that may have an impact on gender-based violence, we have selected a subset of variables for our study based on data availability. Specifically, our analysis will concentrate on the following factors reviewed: (A3) religion, (B1) depression, health consciousness, and mood, (B2) retention tendency as reflected by household chores, and (B3) density.

The rationale behind our choice of these variables stems from their perceived significance and potential relevance to the study of domestic violence. Religion has been widely acknowledged as a social and cultural determinant that shapes beliefs, values, and gender roles within a society, which may have implications for power dynamics and relationship dynamics within households. Depression, as a psychological construct, has been frequently associated with increased vulnerability and impaired coping mechanisms, potentially contributing to the occurrence or perpetuation of domestic violence. Health consciousness and mood are additional constructs that have garnered attention in the context of interpersonal relationships. Health consciousness relates to individuals’ awareness and concern for their own well-being and that of others, which may influence their attitudes and behaviors within the household. Mood, on the other hand, reflects emotional states that can influence communication, conflict resolution, and overall dynamics within intimate relationships.

Furthermore, we have included the variable of retention tendency, as manifested through household chores. This variable is indicative of individuals’ willingness or inclination to maintain their involvement and responsibilities within the household. It is hypothesized that individuals with higher retention tendencies may exhibit a greater commitment to the relationship, which could influence the occurrence and dynamics of domestic violence. Lastly, we consider the variable of density, which captures the population density within the living environment. This variable may serve as a proxy for socio-environmental conditions, such as overcrowding or limited personal space, which can potentially contribute to stress, conflict, and interpersonal tensions within households.

By examining these selected factors, we aim to gain insights into their relationships with domestic violence and contribute to a better understanding of the complex dynamics underlying such occurrences. It is important to note that these variables represent only a subset of the broader range of factors that influence gender-based violence, and further research is warranted to explore additional dimensions and interactions within this multifaceted issue.

3. Data collection and variables

The reference population for this study is Ecuadorian habitants. Participants were invited to fill up a survey concerning COVID-19 impact on their mental health. Data collection took place between April and May 2020, exactly at the time of the mandatory lockdowns taking place. In this context governmental authorities ordered mobility restrictions as well as social distancing measures. We conduct three waves of social media invitations to participate in the study. Invitations were sent using the institutional accounts of the universities the authors of this study are affiliated. At the end, we received 2,403 answers, 50.5% females and 49.5% males. 49% of them have college degrees.

3.1. Ecuador stylized facts

Ecuador, a small developing country in South America, has a population of approximately 17 million inhabitants, with a population density of 61.85 people per square kilometer.

During the months under investigation, the Central Bank of Ecuador reported that the country’s GDP in the fourth quarter of 2020 amounted to $16,500 million. This represented a decrease of 7.2% compared to the same period in 2019, and a 5.6% decline in the first quarter of 2021 compared to the same quarter of the previous year. However, despite these declines, there was a slight growth of 0.6% in the GDP during the fourth quarter of 2020 and 0.7% in the first quarter of 2021 when compared to the previous quarter.

In mid-March, the Ecuadorian government implemented a mandatory lockdown that lasted for several weeks. By July 30, 2020, Ecuador had reported over 80,000 confirmed cases of COVID-19. The statistics on the impact of the pandemic revealed a death rate of 23.9 per 100,000 inhabitants, ranking Ecuador fourth globally behind the UK, Italy, and the USA, with rates of 63.7, 57.1, and 36.2, respectively. Additionally, Ecuador’s observed case-fatality ratio stood at 8.3%, placing it fourth globally after Italy, the UK, and Mexico, with rates of 14.5, 14, and 11.9%, respectively ( 50 ). As the lockdown measures continued, mental health issues began to emerge among the population ( 51 ).

The challenging socioeconomic conditions and the impact of the pandemic on public health have had significant repercussions in Ecuador, highlighting the need for comprehensive strategies to address both the immediate and long-term consequences on the well-being of its population.

3.2. Dependent variable

The dependent variable in this study is Domestic Violence, which is measured using a composite score derived from five items. These items were rated on a 7-point scale, ranging from 1 (never) to 7 (very frequent), to assess the frequency of intrafamily conflict and violence occurring within the respondents’ homes. The five items included the following statements: “In my house, subjects are discussed with relative calm”; “In my house, heated discussions are common but without shouting at each other”; “Anger is common in my house, and I refuse to talk to others”; “In my house, there is the threat that someone will hit or throw something”; and “In my house, family members get easily irritated.”

To evaluate the internal consistency of the measurement, Cronbach’s Alpha was calculated and found to be 0.7. This indicates good internal consistency, suggesting that the items in the scale are measuring a similar construct and can be considered reliable for assessing the level of domestic violence within the households under investigation.

3.3. Independent variables

3.3.1. mood.

The mood construct, based on Peterson and Sauber ( 52 ), is measured using three Likert scale questions. The respondents rate their agreement on a scale from strongly disagree to strongly agree. The questions included: “I am in a good mood,” “I feel happy,” and “At this moment, I feel nervous or irritable.” The Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient for this construct is 0.7757, indicating good internal consistency.

3.3.2. Depression

The depression construct, based on the manual for the Depression Anxiety Stress Scales by Lovibond S and Lovibond P, is measured by summing the results of 13 Likert scale questions. The scale ranges from strongly disagreeing to strongly agreeing. The questions include: “I feel that life is meaningless,” “I do not feel enthusiastic about anything,” “I feel downhearted and sad,” and others. The Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient for this construct is 0.9031, indicating high internal consistency.

3.3.3. Health consciousness

The health consciousness construct, based on Gould ( 53 ), is measured using four Likert scale questions. The respondents rate their agreement on a scale from strongly disagree to strongly agree. The questions include: “I’m alert to changes in my health,” “I am concerned about the health of others,” “Throughout the day, I am aware of what foods are best for my health,” and “I notice how I lose energy as the day goes by.” The Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient for this construct is 0.7, indicating acceptable internal consistency.

3.3.4. Household chores

The respondents were asked to rate their involvement in various household chores on a scale from “not at all” to “a lot.” The listed household chores include cooking, washing dishes, cleaning restrooms, doing laundry, home maintenance, and helping with children/siblings. It can serve as a proxy for Retention Tendency.

3.3.5. Density

It is measured as the number of people per bedroom, indicating the level of overcrowding within households.

3.3.6. Religion

The religion construct is measured as the sum of four Likert scale items based on Worthington et al. ( 54 ). The respondents rate their agreement on a scale from strongly disagree to strongly agree. The items include: “My religious beliefs lie behind my whole approach to life,” “It is important to me to spend periods in private religious thought and reflection,” “Religion is very important to me because it answers many questions about the meaning of life,” and “I am informed about my local religious group and have some influence in its decisions.” The Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient for this construct is 0.8703, indicating good internal consistency.

3.4. Control variables

3.4.1. social media.

The respondents were asked to indicate the number of hours they spend on social networks during a typical day. The scale ranges from “I do not review information on social networks” to “More than three hours.”

Sex is measured as a binary variable, where 1 represents female and 0 represents male.

Age refers to the age of the respondent.

3.4.4. Age of householder

Age of householder refers to the age of the individual who is the primary occupant or head of the household.

3.5. Describe statistics

Table 2 reports the means, standard deviation, and correlation matrix. Our dataset has not the presence of missing values.

Summary statistics.

* p < 0.01.

Descriptive statistics reveal that the variables in the sample exhibit a considerable degree of homogeneity, as evidenced by the means being larger than the standard deviations. Moreover, the strong correlation between Depression and mood suggests that these two variables should not be included together in the same model.

4. Methodological approach

Our empirical identification strategy comprises the following linear model:

We employed ordinary least squares (OLS) regression techniques to examine the relationship between our selected exogenous variables and household violence during the period of mandatory lockdowns. To ensure the robustness of our regression model, we conducted several diagnostic tests. Firstly, we tested for heteroscedasticity using the Breusch-Pagan test, yielding a chi-square value of 223.58 with a value of p of 0, indicating the presence of heteroscedasticity in the model. Secondly, we assessed multicollinearity using the variance inflation factor (VIF), which yielded a VIF value of 1.07, indicating no significant multicollinearity issues among the variables. Furthermore, we conducted the Ramsey Reset test to examine the presence of omitted variables in the model. The test yielded an F-statistic of 2.06 with a value of p of 0.103, suggesting no strong evidence of omitted variables. Lastly, we checked the normality of the residuals using the skewness and kurtosis tests, which yielded a chi-square value of 97.9 with a value of p of 0, indicating departure from normality in the residuals.

Hence, our analysis revealed the presence of heteroscedasticity issues and non-normality in the residuals. Consequently, it is imperative to employ an alternative estimation technique that can handle these challenges robustly. In light of these circumstances, we opted for Quantile Regression, as proposed by Koenker and Bassett ( 55 ), which allows for a comprehensive characterization of the relationship between the input variable(s) x and the dependent variable y.

4.1. Quantile regression

While an OLS predicts the average relationship between the independent variables and the dependent variable, which can cause the estimate to be unrepresentative of the entire distribution of the dependent variable if it is not identically distributed, Quantile Regression allows estimating parts of the dependent variable. Distribution of the dependent variable and thus determine the variations of the effect produced by the exogenous variables on the endogenous variable in different quantiles ( 56 ). The Quantile Regression methodology also presents the benefit that, by providing them with a weight, the errors are minimal. Quantile Regression is defined as follows:

where: Y i is dependent variable, X i is vector of independent variables, β(ϑ): is vector of parameters to be estimated for a given quantile ϑ, e ϑ i : is random disturbance corresponding to the quantile ϑ, Q ϑ ( Y i ) is qth quantile of the conditional distribution of Y i given the known vector of regressors X i .

The Quantile Regression model provides predictions of a specific quantile of the conditional distribution of the dependent variable and is considered the generalization of the sample quantile of an independent and identically distributed random variable ( 57 ). By considering a range of quantiles, Quantile Regression offers a more nuanced understanding of the conditional distribution, making it a valuable technique for analyzing various aspects of the relationship between variables.

The estimation results are reported in Table 3 . The regressions 1 and 3 consider individuals who are not household heads, while regressions 2 and 4 involve the respondent being the household head. In regressions 5 and 6, the respondent is not the household head and is also female, whereas in regressions 7 and 8, the respondents are household heads and male. The regressions exhibit a coefficient of determination ranging between 9 and 11.

Standard errors in brackets. * p < 0.1, ** p < 0.05, *** p < 0.001.

The effects of the different variables studied on violence are presented below: Across all regressions, it can be observed that the mood of a person, which indicates whether they are in a good mood or feeling cheerful, nervous, or irritated, is statistically significant at all levels of confidence. This implies that violence decreases when the mood is good. On the other hand, depression has a positive and significant sign. This tells us that, on average, an increase of one unit in the depression, anxiety, and stress scale is associated with an increase in the measurement of conflict and intrafamily violence in a household, whether the respondent is a household head or not.

On the other hand, Health Consciousness has a negative and significant sign, indicating that violence decreases as Health Consciousness increases. However, it is noteworthy that it loses significance when the survey respondent is a woman, regardless of whether she is a household head or not.

Regarding Household chores, which refers to the time spent on household tasks, it can be observed that it is only significant and negative when the respondent is not a household head, and this significance holds even when the respondent is male. In other words, less time spent on household chores decreases violence in households where the respondent is not a household head.

The variable religion generally has a positive and significant sign in most regressions, but loses significance in regressions (1) and (5), where the respondent is not the household head and is female, respectively. This suggests that being religious would increase the levels of violence.

In general, density increases violence in the surveyed households, as indicated by a positive and significant sign. However, it is interesting to note that it is only significant again when the respondent is not a household head and is female, or when the respondent is a household head and is male.

As for the control variables, the variable Social media, which indicates the number of hours a person spends on social media, is positive and significant whether the respondent is a household head or not, and even when the respondent is male. This suggests that violence decreases with access to social media, possibly due to increased access to information. Finally, the variables sex, age of the respondent, and age of the household head were not significant.

6. Discussion

Interestingly, the prevalence and intensity of domestic violence appear to vary across different segments of society. Goodman ( 33 ) have highlighted the existence of variations in episodes of domestic violence among social strata. They have also identified several factors that act as deterrents to domestic violence, including income levels, educational attainment, employment status of the household head, household density, consumption of psychotropic substances, anxiety, and stress. These factors increase the likelihood of experiencing instances of violence within the home.

Within this context, the COVID-19 pandemic has had far-reaching implications for individuals and families worldwide, with significant impacts on various aspects of daily life, including domestic dynamics. This study explores the relationship between household factors and violence within the context of the pandemic, shedding light on the unique challenges and dynamics that have emerged during this period.

Our findings highlight the importance of considering mental well-being in the context of domestic violence during the pandemic. We observe that positive mood is associated with a decrease in violence levels within households. This suggests that maintaining good mental health and emotional well-being during times of crisis can serve as a protective factor against violence. With the increased stress and anxiety caused by the pandemic, policymakers and practitioners should prioritize mental health support and interventions to address potential escalations in violence within households.

Furthermore, our results indicate that depression exhibits a positive association with violence. As individuals grapple with the impacts of the pandemic, such as job loss, financial strain, and social isolation, the prevalence of depression may increase. This finding underscores the urgent need for accessible mental health resources and support networks to address the heightened risk of violence stemming from increased levels of depression.

The study also reveals that health consciousness plays a crucial role in reducing violence within households. As individuals become more aware of the importance of maintaining their health amidst the pandemic, violence levels decrease. This suggests that promoting health awareness and encouraging healthy lifestyle choices can serve as protective factors against domestic violence. Public health initiatives and educational campaigns aimed at fostering health-conscious behaviors should be emphasized as part of comprehensive violence prevention strategies.

Interestingly, our analysis uncovers a mitigating effect of social media usage on violence levels during the pandemic. With the increased reliance on digital platforms for communication and information sharing, access to social media may provide individuals with alternative channels for expression and support, ultimately reducing the likelihood of violence. Recognizing the potential benefits of social media, policymakers and practitioners should explore ways to leverage these platforms to disseminate violence prevention resources, provide support, and promote positive social connections within households.

Additionally, our findings highlight the role of household chores and density in shaping violence levels during the pandemic. Less time spent on household chores is associated with decreased violence, indicating that redistributing domestic responsibilities may alleviate tension and conflict within households. The COVID-19 pandemic has disrupted routines and added new challenges to household dynamics, making it essential to consider strategies that promote equitable distribution of chores and support mechanisms for individuals and families.

Moreover, the positive association between household density and violence emphasizes the impact of living conditions during the pandemic. With prolonged periods of confinement and restricted mobility, crowded living spaces may intensify conflicts and escalate violence. Policymakers should prioritize initiatives that address housing conditions, promote safe and adequate living environments, and provide resources to mitigate the negative effects of overcrowding.

In this line, our study delves into the intricate relationship between household factors and violence during the COVID-19 pandemic, primarily within our specific context. However, it is valuable to consider how our findings align or diverge when juxtaposed with research from developed countries, where economic, social, and healthcare systems are typically more advanced. In developed countries, the impact of crises, such as the pandemic, could manifest differently due to varying levels of financial stability, access to support networks, and well-established healthcare systems.

For instance, while we observe that maintaining mental well-being serves as a protective factor against violence, developed countries might have better access to mental health resources and support networks, potentially magnifying the impact of positive mental health on violence prevention ( 58 ). Similarly, the positive association between health consciousness and reduced violence levels could be influenced by different perceptions of health and well-being in developed countries, where health awareness campaigns are more prevalent ( 51 ).

The mitigating effect of social media on violence levels during the pandemic might also vary across contexts. Developed countries might have more widespread and equitable access to digital platforms, leading to a stronger impact on violence reduction through alternative channels for communication and support ( 59 ). Conversely, regions with limited digital infrastructure could experience a smaller effect.

Additionally, comparing the role of religious affiliation and its influence on violence with findings from developed countries could reveal cultural variations in the interplay between religious teachings, gender dynamics, and violence ( 60 ). While our study suggests the need for interventions promoting peaceful religious interpretations, it is crucial to examine whether similar efforts have been successful in developed nations with distinct cultural norms and religious landscapes.

In this context, this study makes a significant contribution to the field of gender-based violence research by intricately examining the intersection of diverse socio-economic and psychological factors within the backdrop of the COVID-19 pandemic. The uniqueness of this article lies in its holistic approach to comprehend domestic violence dynamics amidst a global crisis. By dissecting and analyzing how mental health, health awareness, social media utilization, household chore distribution, living space density, and religious affiliation interact to influence violence levels, this study provides a deeper and nuanced insight into the factors contributing to the manifestation and prevention of gender-based violence. Moreover, by pinpointing areas where traditional gender norms and religious beliefs might exacerbate violence, the article suggests novel avenues for research and intervention development that account for cultural and contextual complexities. Ultimately, this work not only advances the understanding of gender-based violence during a critical period but also offers practical and theoretical recommendations to inform policies and preventive actions both throughout the pandemic and in potential future crises.

In considering the limitations of our study, we acknowledge that while our findings provide crucial insights into the role of religious affiliation in shaping violence levels during the pandemic, there are certain aspects that warrant further investigation. Firstly, our analysis primarily focuses on the association between religious beliefs and violence without delving deeply into the underlying mechanisms that drive this relationship. Future research could employ qualitative methodologies to explore how specific religious doctrines and practices interact with broader cultural norms to influence gender dynamics and contribute to violence within households. Additionally, our study does not extensively address variations in religious interpretations across different communities, which could lead to distinct outcomes in terms of violence prevention efforts. To address these limitations, scholars could conduct comparative studies across religious affiliations and denominations to uncover nuanced insights into the interplay between religious teachings, cultural contexts, and violence dynamics.

Furthermore, while our study suggests that policymakers and practitioners should consider developing targeted interventions promoting peaceful religious interpretations to mitigate violence, the precise design and effectiveness of such interventions remain areas ripe for exploration. Future research could involve collaboration with religious leaders and communities to develop and test intervention strategies that align with both religious teachings and contemporary gender equality principles. This interdisciplinary approach could yield actionable insights into fostering cultural change and enhancing the role of religion in promoting non-violence within households.

In conclusion, our study provides valuable insights into the dynamics of domestic violence within households during the COVID-19 pandemic. The findings underscore the importance of addressing mental health, promoting health consciousness, leveraging social media, redistributing household chores, improving housing conditions, and considering the nuanced role of religious beliefs. By incorporating these findings into policy and intervention strategies, policymakers and practitioners can work toward preventing and mitigating domestic violence in the context of the ongoing pandemic.

Data availability statement

Author contributions.

CL played a crucial role in this research project, being responsible for the data collection, conducting the econometric analysis, contributing to the literature review, introduction, and discussion sections of the manuscript. JD-S made significant contributions to the project and assisted in the data collection process, contributed to the literature review, and provided insights in the discussion section. FV assisted with the data collection process and reviewed the article for accuracy and clarity. All authors contributed to the article and approved the submitted version.

This project receives funding from Vicerrectorado de Investigación y Proyección Social, Escuela Politécnica Nacional.

Conflict of interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Publisher’s note

All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

Acknowledgments

The authors acknowledge the Escuela Politécnica Nacional for this support on this project.

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Eight ‘Idealising’ domestic violence victims

• Published: July 2018
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Domestic violence victimisation has long been a contested issue with regards to ‘idealised’ victims. Socio-political rhetoric often questions ‘why didn’t she leave?’ yet feminist research has long indicated that leaving a violent partner may increase a female victim’s vulnerability to escalated – and fatal – violence. This chapter assesses a relatively new policy designed to safeguard people from domestic abuse. The Domestic Violence Disclosure Scheme , also known as ‘Clare’s Law’ permits members of the public to apply for information from the police about a partner who they have concerns about regarding abusive behaviours. If a disclosure of previous violence is made, the victim must decide whether to remain in or leave the relationship. Elements of this policy are evaluated in line with Christie’s ‘ideal victim’ concept to demonstrate how it may account for greater harms to applicants. In addition, the chapter explores expectations of safeguarding measures and the potential impact on wider victim-blaming discourses linked to domestic violence.

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Serving Time for Their Abusers’ Crimes

The marshall project found nearly 100 people who were punished for the actions of their abusers under little-known laws like “accomplice liability.”.

P at Johnson counted the locks on the apartment door. One. Two. Three. There were too many to undo and escape before Rey Travieso got to her. He’d just killed three people — including an infant. He turned to her, her face covered in tears and snot. “Don’t worry, Pat, I ain’t going to kill you,” she remembers him saying. “You believe me?”

She didn’t believe him. For seven years, she’d been in an abusive relationship with Travieso. If dinner was not ready on time, he broke furniture and beat her. If she was home after her curfew, he hit her. He had hurt her so badly, she landed in the hospital. She knew what he was capable of.

So she did what he told her to do and helped stuff jewelry and money into a bag, and then she kept her mouth shut.

Even though he did not kill her, in a way, he still took her life. Since 1993, Johnson has sat in an Illinois prison for the murders she said Travieso committed.

Prosecutors didn’t have to prove that Johnson killed anyone to charge her with murder. Under state law, the “theory of accountability” allows a person to be charged for a crime another person committed, if they assisted. That meant Johnson’s charge was murder, and just like Travieso, she faced a life sentence.

Every state has some version of the theory of accountability — more broadly called “accomplice liability” — though the specifics vary from place to place. These kinds of laws can make victims of intimate partner violence particularly vulnerable to prosecution.

There is no comprehensive national data about how many people are behind bars for a crime committed by their abuser due to laws that allow someone to be charged for the actions of another person. Accomplice liability crimes are not usually tracked by the courts as a distinct offense, and domestic violence is often not documented, so it would be impossible to account for every case.

Still, searching through legal documents, The Marshall Project and Mother Jones identified nearly 100 people across the country, nearly all of them women, who were convicted of assisting, supporting or failing to stop a crime by their alleged abuser. Some of the women showed clear signs of abuse at the time they were arrested. One had been shot by her abuser weeks before; another was in a neck brace.

In some of the cases we reviewed, evidence of an abusive relationship was excluded at trial. In others, lawyers and judges poorly understood the psychological effects of domestic violence and the real dangers victims face. At one woman’s sentencing in 2000, for example, a Michigan judge justified the defendant’s 10- to 30-year prison sentence for assisting her allegedly abusive boyfriend with a string of robberies by saying she had ample opportunity to leave him. But the risk of ending an abusive relationship is high: According to data from the U.S. Department of Justice, of the nearly 5,000 women murdered across the country in 2021, about one-third died at the hands of an intimate partner . Experts say the end of a relationship is the most dangerous time for an abuse victim .

A busive relationships rarely begin that way. Johnson met Travieso when she was working at a discount chain store. Her manager called her over the loudspeaker to meet Travieso in the hardware department — he wanted to buy an artificial Christmas tree and specifically asked that she help him. A few weeks later, Travieso was waiting outside the store and offered Johnson a ride home. She hesitated. She was just 17 years old, and Travieso was 35, but he showed her that the car had a phone — a luxury in 1985 — and invited her to call her mother and give her his license plate number so she’d feel safer. After that, things moved quickly, and soon they started living together.

Sometimes Travieso could be controlling, dictating where Johnson could go and who she could see. But he also showered her with compliments and made sure she had what she needed. He once gave her a pair of gold, dangly earrings. They went well with her style: short hair and bright red lipstick. Johnson was the youngest of six girls. Her family was poor and had bounced around Chicago, sometimes living in public housing. To Johnson, the earrings were a symbol of Travieso’s ability to provide for her.

But one day, in the parking lot of a Sizzler restaurant, their meaning changed.

Johnson noticed a white Trans Am and offhandedly said it was a nice car, within earshot of its driver. Travieso was furious at Johnson for giving another man attention and called her a whore, then slapped her so hard that one of the earrings flew out of her ear. It wasn’t so much the physical pain that stayed with her, but the utter embarrassment. The restaurant had big windows, and customers and staff inside saw everything — she wanted to crawl under the car and hide.

She said Travieso’s abuse escalated. Once, he beat her so badly that she looked, as she described it, like “the Elephant Man.” He said it was the last time. It wasn’t.

Johnson’s family and friends say they witnessed Travieso’s violence and its aftermath. A shattered glass table. A belt buckle to the face. One of Johnson’s nieces remembers visiting when she was a child and realizing that the phrase “black eye” wasn’t just an expression, but a literal fact: If you hit a person hard enough, the skin around the eye really could bloom into a purple-black cloud.

Once, Johnson said, she tried to hide from Travieso in a closet, but he dragged her out by her ankles. She screamed that God was going to punish him for how he treated her. “I am your god,” he replied. And it felt true. He seemed omniscient. He had strong ties in the neighborhood, and plenty of people were willing to tell Rey Travieso where Johnson went. Every time she tried to leave, he found her and brought her back. “I was so afraid of Rey. I don’t think I ever feared anyone that much,” Johnson said years later. “Sometimes, it was almost like fearing God.”

Eventually, Johnson discovered Travieso was not actually a truck driver, as he had claimed when they first met, but a drug dealer. He started to give her cocaine, and soon she became addicted.

Travieso ran a restaurant with his friend Juan Hernandez. Johnson said they sold food in the front and drugs out of the back. Sometimes they’d fight about their business, and Johnson overheard them threaten each other. But then they’d come out and drink a couple of sodas, and everything would be fine again.

Despite struggling with addiction, Johnson stayed in close contact with her family. Her nieces remember her being more like a sister than another adult. She took them to the beach, and when they threw sand at each other, she joined in. At night, they would stay up late, well past bedtime, watching movies. Even though her niece Tromeka Turner-Mason was a child at the time, she said Johnson confided in her that she felt trapped with Travieso and didn’t know what to do.

In November 1991, when she was 23, Johnson tried to leave Travieso. She went to stay with another man, and they spent their days using crack cocaine. Travieso found her, as he always did, but this time he didn’t make her move back in with him. Instead he kept coming back to see her. Sometimes he’d take her to a motel, where he forced her to have sex. At the trial, when a lawyer asked her why she wasn’t able to refuse him, she explained, “He said he owned me, that’s why.”

On the afternoon of Jan. 16, 1992, Travieso asked Johnson to come with him to “take care of some business.” At her trial, she described what happened that day: They drove to the home of Travieso’s business partner, Hernandez. Johnson knew they’d been fighting because Travieso said Hernandez owed him about $40,000. Travieso was angry and making threats, but she assumed he was just acting macho. Hernandez answered the door and walked them to the living room, where his wife, Olga, sat holding their 10-month-old baby, Evelyn.

Travieso and Hernandez argued, alternating between Spanish and English. Johnson couldn’t follow everything they were saying, but she could tell Travieso was asking for the cash, and Hernandez responded by laughing at him. Clearly, they were unhappy with one another, but it seemed like one of their routine fights. Then someone knocked on the door.

When Hernandez stood up to answer, Travieso pulled out a gun and told him to sit down. That’s when Johnson said she knew this fight was different. Travieso pointed the gun at her and told her to tell the pizza delivery man that the order was canceled. Johnson obeyed. Olga gathered up a few thousand dollars and some jewelry, but it wasn’t enough to satisfy Travieso. He tied Hernandez’s hands, and as medical examiner reports would later show, pistol-whipped him and slit his throat. Next, he killed Olga and the baby. Johnson was certain she would be next.

Travieso told Johnson that if he killed her there, police would trace the crime back to him. But if Johnson stayed calm and never told anyone, then things would be fine. She wiped her tear-stained face on her shirt, and followed his instructions to walk casually to the car with him.

Although this is the story Johnson told at trial, it’s not the only version of events, and there is no clear physical evidence that points to how much Johnson participated in the killings. Only two people really know what took place: Travieso and Johnson.

When police arrested them more than six months after the murders, Travieso confessed to killing Hernandez, but he said that Johnson had killed Olga and the baby. Later at his trial, he changed his story and said he wasn’t there at all, despite strong evidence to the contrary. I wrote to him in prison, where he is serving a life sentence for the murders, to ask about his version of events. He responded briefly: Johnson “should never have been in prison. … All these years I've felt bad about it all.” I sent him multiple messages asking for an interview or details about Johnson’s accusations of abuse and account of the murders, but he never replied.

Over time, Johnson’s story has varied. In her police confession, for example, she said she went with Travieso to buy plastic gloves before the murder and was with him when another drug dealer ordered a hit on Hernandez. But at trial, she said the police inaccurately summarized what she told them. A clemency petition, written more than two decades later, says Johnson can’t remember pawning the jewelry, a fact she confessed to at trial. Trauma can r eshape a person’s memory — impairing factual recall while also making recollections painfully visceral. But Johnson is consistent on the two most important facts: She did not kill anyone, and she was terrified of Travieso.

Opening Statement

Since going to prison, Johnson has come out as a transgender man. He remains in a women’s facility and still uses she/her pronouns when talking about his life before prison — and has requested we do the same, because he said living as a woman was central to the abusive dynamic with Travieso. When Johnson finished telling me the story during an interview last year, he looked over at his lawyer, Rachel White-Domain, and gave a weak smile.

“God was there,” he said.

“You survived,” White-Domain replied.

“God was there. He knows I didn’t hurt anybody. He knows I didn’t kill anyone. God was there. He knows that.”

W hen White-Domain began working with incarcerated survivors of domestic violence in 2008, she was still in law school at DePaul University. It was a passion project she did on Saturdays with a handful of other volunteers around a kitchen table. At first, most cases involved women who had killed abusive husbands or boyfriends. But as hundreds of letters from women’s prisons poured in, she realized that many were in prison not for killing an abuser, but for aiding them in committing a crime. Johnson was one of the first clients convicted under the theory of accountability whom White-Domain took on in 2019. She estimates that they now make up about a quarter of her clients at the Illinois Prison Project, an advocacy organization for incarcerated people, where she runs the Women & Survivors Project.

Many of the cases against the people White-Domain represents aren’t about evidence or proof; they aren’t “whodunnits.” Instead, juries and judges (and the politicians who write the laws that govern them) must decide: What should a person be held responsible for? How should the conditions of a person’s life be weighed when they are involved in a crime? White-Domain says another lawyer once asked her: Is it worse if they don’t believe your story of abuse, or is it worse if they believe you, but it doesn’t matter?

Even though White-Domain told me she thinks accomplice liability cases are more common than self-defense cases, they are harder to explain to the public and get far less attention.

When people defend themselves against deadly attacks by killing their abusers, it’s relatively easy to sympathize. It’s more complicated when the victim is not a violent husband, but is instead an innocent third party. And it’s even more difficult when the offense involves young victims or especially gruesome murders — the kinds of crimes that make some people so afraid and furious that they want to make sure anyone even remotely involved is punished.

While every state has some version of an accomplice liability law, states vary as to what degree of participation is necessary for someone to be prosecuted. And accomplice liability laws aren’t the only ones that allow people to be punished for supporting or failing to stop another person’s crime.

In many states, felony murder laws allow someone to be punished for a murder they didn’t commit if they were engaged in a dangerous felony with the person who actually did the killing. Prosecutors can charge someone with conspiracy for agreeing to assist with a crime and taking action to help. Failure-to-protect laws in some states allow a parent (in practice almost always a mother) to be punished for abuse committed by another person if the courts believe she should have prevented the crime.

These laws each function differently and often overlap, but together they create a web that expands who can be held responsible for a crime.

No one tracks how many abuse victims are convicted nationwide because of these laws, but there are some telling numbers. A study of 72 women serving life in Michigan found 60% were there for a murder they didn’t themselves commit . Most of those crimes were connected to a man they had a relationship with. In a survey of people serving time for murder or manslaughter in women’s prisons, 13% of the respondents said they had been convicted for a crime committed with their abuser .

The Marshall Project’s reporting found a similar pattern. Reviewing court documents, we identified scores of cases where prosecutors charged a person (almost always a woman) for supporting, taking part in or failing to stop a crime by their alleged abuser. We counted nearly 100 cases that span 26 states and federal courts and date back as far as four decades ago.

Life Inside

In one typical example, Carolyn Moore has been incarcerated in Louisiana since 1985 for assisting her co-defendant — and alleged abuser — with a robbery, during which he killed two men while she waited in the car. She said that he had threatened to kill her if she didn’t help with the robbery. At trial, he admitted to the killings, but denied forcing Moore to participate in the robbery (despite testimony from a witness who said he had admitted to threatening Moore). Moore was sentenced to life without parole.

The cases often blur the line between “victim” and “perpetrator.” In one instance, a girl with developmental delays was sex trafficked at 17 years old by a man who “savagely beat her,” according to a sentencing memo. But because she had helped store a gun and drugs for him, federal prosecutors in Washington charged her as his co-defendant in his trafficking ring. She agreed to a plea deal at age 19 and was released with time served in 2009, but had to serve a year of supervised release.

Sometimes being a domestic abuse survivor is used as evidence against women. In 2016, while Krystal Hayes was at work, her live-in boyfriend severely beat her baby daughter, fracturing her skull. Prosecutors in Tulsa County, Oklahoma, pointed to evidence that her boyfriend had choked Hayes before, and so she should have known better than to allow him near an infant. She pleaded guilty to failing to protect her child. Now she is serving a 20-year sentence.

Even after a person completes their sentence, the shadow of punishment can be long. Ajela Banks was convicted in federal court for conspiracy to sex traffic a minor in Alaska, despite being 19 years old and being trafficked by the same man who was her co-defendant. According to court documents, he had recently shot her in the stomach while she was pregnant with his child. Although she was sentenced to time served, she had to register as a sex offender and her home address was made public, which she said makes her vulnerable to further harassment and threats.

In 1999, Gabby Solano was convicted of felony murder in California in connection with a killing done by her abusive ex-boyfriend. Gov. Jerry Brown commuted her sentence, making her eligible for parole, but because of her conviction, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement deported her to Mexico, a country she had left as a toddler.

White-Domain, Johnson’s lawyer, said that looking at case after case has made one thing abundantly clear to her: The criminal system is not built to support victims of abuse. In some instances, people tried to get help, from police or social workers, and those systems failed to intervene. But bureaucrats aren’t considered accomplices when things go wrong — the victims are, and so they are the ones who suffer the consequences.

A t Johnson’s trial in 1993, she was allowed to introduce evidence of Travieso’s abuse. The jury saw pictures of injuries Johnson said Travieso gave her: marks on her knees from a belt, wounds on her lips and shoulder from a hanger, bruises on her backside from the handle of a plunger. But the jury also saw and heard descriptions of the crime scene: the family’s bashed-in skulls, the parents’ slit throats, a baby’s pacifier in a room splattered with blood. At trial, prosecutors explained to jurors that, “When two people do commit a crime together, each person is responsible for the acts of the other.” That meant even if Travieso did the actual killing, because of the help she’d provided, Johnson was just as responsible for the grisly murders.

I recently spoke to a juror, who asked not to be named because she is afraid Travieso could somehow retaliate against her. She and her fellow jurors struggled to know what to do, she said. The physical evidence did not prove how much Johnson had helped. But the juror remembers believing two things: One, Johnson had provided Travieso at least some support. And two, Johnson would have never done anything like this had it not been for Travieso and his control over her.

It’s clear from the trial documents that the jury was wrestling with what the “theory of accountability” meant for someone like Johnson. In one note, they asked the judge for clarity on the term “legally responsible.” In another, they asked, “Do we consider one individual equally accountable for the actions and deeds of another?”

The juror who spoke with me grew up in a home with domestic violence. She understood why a woman could be so afraid that she wouldn’t flee an abuser, no matter how dire the circumstances. But she also wanted to do a good job and follow the law — it wasn’t her place to rewrite it. She said there was almost a hung jury, but in the end, they reached an agreement and found Johnson guilty.

She remembers crying along with other jurors — tears not of relief, but of sadness. Three decades later, the weight of what they did still remains with her. To this day, she said, she believes Johnson was the fourth victim in that crime and that the world is not safer with Johnson behind bars.

The judge sentenced Johnson to life in prison. At her sentencing hearing, Johnson addressed the family of Juan, Olga and Evelyn Hernandez. “My pain is nothing compared to theirs, but I am truly, truly sorry for not coming forward.”

Olga Hernandez’s sister, Dora Arrona, said in a recent interview that Johnson has played the victim, but Olga and her family were the real victims. Arrona discovered the bodies of her family members after they were killed, and that trauma still affects her physical and mental health. She said she was skeptical of Johnson’s version of events because she believes the murders could not have been carried out by a single person. Johnson, she said, should stay behind bars.

L awyers, lawmakers and advocates who believe people like Johnson should not be in prison have tried different approaches to change the system. One strategy tackles the broader issue of accomplice liability laws, and another targets how domestic violence survivors are sentenced.

Accomplice liability is as old as common law itself. In 1020, English law allowed a thief’s entire family to be enslaved as accomplices . And while the net of accountability might not be quite that wide now, the concept has stubbornly remained part of the criminal justice system.

Joshua Dressler, distinguished emeritus professor of law at The Ohio State University, has studied accomplice liability laws across the country. He noted that it’s difficult for any jurisdiction to narrow accomplice liability, for the same reason that so many attempts at justice reforms are hard: Legislators want to appear to be tough on crime.

At an Illinois legislative hearing last year on a proposal to limit the theory of accountability, a lawmaker argued that these kinds of laws hurt victims of domestic violence. But Democratic state Rep. Dave Vella pushed back. “You’re accountable for the people you do nasty things with,” he said. “And if something bad happens, you should be accountable for the bad act.” The proposed legislation, which would have narrowed the theory of accountability in Illinois, went nowhere, but activists say they are continuing to push for changes .

Another approach lawmakers and activists in several states have taken is to rethink how domestic violence victims are sentenced. New York’s Domestic Violence Survivors Justice Act , passed in 2019, allows judges to depart from mandatory minimums when sentencing ( or resentencing ) survivors. According to the Survivors Justice Project , which works to free victims of domestic violence from prison, 64 people have been resentenced after filing applications.

Similar bills in other states, including Minnesota, Oregon and Louisiana , have failed.

In 2015, Illinois passed a law to allow people in prison to apply for resentencing if their crime was directly related to domestic violence . The state does not track how many people have been released from prison early under the Illinois law, but it has been much smaller than many advocates for domestic violence victims hoped. One reason is that, unlike New York’s law, it doesn’t say judges can diverge from mandatory minimums. That ended up being key in Johnson’s case. When he applied for resentencing under the law, the judge ruled he was already serving the minimum sentence of life, so he was not eligible for anything less.

During his decades in prison, Johnson has become part of a support group for survivors of domestic violence. Together, they perform poems and songs about their experiences. He has also become deeply devoted to his Christian faith, paying tithes from his meager prison wages. And he is still working on getting released.

In Illinois, governors can grant clemency to people in prison they believe no longer need to be incarcerated. With the help of White-Domain, Johnson filed a clemency petition in 2020. It included certificates, accolades and dozens of letters from academics, lawyers, domestic violence workers, a warden and fellow incarcerated people who call Johnson a mentor.

But the Cook County State’s Attorney’s Office opposed the application. An assistant state’s attorney wrote that for a sentence to be meaningful it must be enforced, and “the purpose of a sentence is not only rehabilitative but also punitive” and Johnson “has not yet fulfilled that punishment.” Last year, Gov. J.B. Pritzker declined to grant Johnson clemency. He can apply again after a year.

If Johnson is released, because of clemency or changes to the law, his family will be ready. They have not one, but two bedrooms set aside for him — one with a niece and one with a sister. Multiple family members tell me they’ve got jobs waiting for him. And he will have a small nest egg to start out with. For years, Johnson’s mother put away a little money from her monthly Social Security checks to help her child. When Johnson’s mom died in 2021, she left behind $6,150 she’d saved for him. His family has even bought Johnson a homecoming outfit: a crisp white shirt and pants and a white ball cap with his nickname, Peppe, embroidered on the side.

Johnson is now 55 years old and has spent more than half his life behind bars. Prison can be hard on a body. His teeth are in bad shape, and he has a cane because of pain in his leg, but he’s trying not to use it. Sometimes he wishes Travieso had killed him that day. But then, just minutes later, he beams talking about the children in his family or the women in prison who call him “Uncle PJ.”

He says he no longer fears Rey Travieso, no longer thinks Travieso is as powerful and omniscient as God. Instead, he prays constantly: on calls with his family, with women who come to his cell for help, with his lawyer during meetings and at the end of our interview. Johnson says he owes it to God to be brave.

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Shannon Heffernan Twitter Email is a staff writer for The Marshall Project covering prison conditions, experiences of the incarcerated, their families and corrections officers, the federal Bureau of Prisons and the death penalty. Heffernan joins The Marshall Project from WBEZ in Chicago, where she covered prisons and jails in Illinois over her 15 years as a public radio reporter, examining issues such as abuse and misconduct by prison guards. During her tenure at WBEZ, she was the lead reporter and host of Season Four of WBEZ’s “Motive,” a podcast investigating abuse and corruption in small town prisons in Illinois. Her work has been honored with a National Murrow Award for best writing and a National Headliner Award, among many others.

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Domestic Abuse: Types, Causes, and Impact

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• Supporting Someone

Domestic abuse , also known as domestic violence or family abuse, is a pattern of behavior that is used to hurt, terrorize, manipulate, or gain control over a family member.

Domestic abuse may be perpetrated by any member of the household, such as an intimate partner, parent, child, sibling, relative, or staff member. When domestic abuse is perpetrated by an intimate partner, it is referred to as intimate partner violence. When a child is a victim of domestic abuse, it is referred to as child abuse .

People from marginalized groups are at greater risk of experiencing abuse. However, it’s important to recognize that anyone can be a victim of abuse, regardless of their age, race, gender, sexual orientation, class, or faith.

Domestic abuse and intimate partner violence are serious public health issues globally. In fact, it is believed that domestic abuse is the most prevalent but least reported crime in the United States.

This article explores the types, causes, signs, and impact of domestic abuse, as well as some ways to support someone who has been abused.

If you or a loved one are a victim of domestic violence, contact the National Domestic Violence Hotline at 1-800-799-7233 for confidential assistance from trained advocates. 

If you are in immediate danger, call 911 . For more mental health resources, see our National Helpline Database .

Types of Domestic Abuse

Domestic abuse can take many forms. These are some of the different types of domestic abuse:

• Physical abuse , which is when someone harms the other person’s body, causing them to experience pain or suffer physical injuries. Physical abuse includes slapping, beating, hitting, kicking, punching, pinching, biting, choking, pushing, grabbing, shaking, or burning another person.
• Sexual abuse , which includes any form of touching or sexual contact without the other person’s explicit consent. Sexual abuse also includes any form of sexual contact between an adult and a person below the age of 18 .
• Emotional or psychological abuse , which includes yelling, cursing, name-calling, bullying, coercing, humiliating, gaslighting, harassing, infantilizing , threatening, frightening, isolating, manipulating, or otherwise controlling another person. Emotional/psychological abuse can be just as harmful as sexual or physical abuse.
• Neglect , which involves failing to provide a child or a dependent adult with necessities such as food, water, clothing, shelter, medical care, or supervision. Neglect can also be emotional, which involves failing to provide love, care, and emotional support to a family member.
• Financial abuse , which involves taking control of an individual's finances by controlling their income, restricting their ability to work, or accumulating debts in their name.
• Cultural identity abuse , which involves using aspects of a person's cultural identity to cause pain. This might involve threatening to out a person as LGBTQ+, using racial or ethnic slurs, or not permitting the person to practice traditions and customs of their faith.
• Technological abuse , which involves using technology as a means to threaten, stalk, harass, and abuse the other person. Examples of this form of abuse include using tracking devices to monitor someone's movements or online activities and demanding to have access to the person's social media or email accounts.
• Immigration abuse , which involves inflicting harm on a person by using their immigration status to threaten or restrict aspects of their life. Examples of this might involve threatening the individual's family members, destroying or hiding their immigration papers, and threatening to have them deported.

Signs of Domestic Abuse

It’s important to recognize domestic abuse because the victims are our friends, family members, coworkers, and neighbors.

These are some of the signs that someone is experiencing domestic abuse:

• Being upset or agitated
• Being withdrawn or unresponsive
• Exhibiting signs of fear or nervousness around certain people
• Displaying sudden changes in behavior or unusual behaviors
• Having injuries such as cuts, bruises, black eyes, or broken bones
• Having bruises, bleeding, torn clothes, or bloodstains around genital areas
• Being dehydrated, malnourished, or unkempt
• Living in unsafe or unsanitary conditions
• Wearing long-sleeved clothing or sunglasses to cover up bruising
• Having unusual eating or sleeping habits
• Being extremely meek and apologetic
• Losing interest in daily activities
• Isolating from friends and family

Causes of Domestic Abuse

Research suggests that there are a number of different factors that contribute to the prevalence of domestic violence:

• Cultural factors: Historically, many patriarchal cultures have permitted the beating and chastising of women and children, who are viewed as a man’s property. Additionally, the concept of a woman’s sexuality is often tied to the family’s honor. Therefore, any actions or behaviors by a woman that are perceived as acts of dishonor toward the family are met with judgment and abuse.
• Legal factors: Law enforcement agencies tend to treat domestic abuse as a private family matter and sometimes hesitate to intervene or get involved. Acts of domestic abuse are often treated with more leniency than crimes committed by strangers. In fact, sexual abuse by intimate partners is not even recognized as a crime in many cultures.
• Economic factors: Lack of economic resources is often associated with domestic abuse.
• Environmental factors: People who have grown up in abusive environments and witnessed or experienced abuse as children may be more likely to perpetrate domestic abuse as adults. This is referred to as the intergenerational cycle of abuse .
• Social factors: Society still tends to blame victims for being abused, which can make it difficult for them to come forward and report their abusers. Victims are often scrutinized minutely, and any imperfections are held against them.
• Substance use: Excessive use of substances such as alcohol and drugs can lead to domestic abuse.

Impact of Domestic Abuse

Being abused can cause a person to:

• Think they did something to deserve the abuse
• Believe they are unwanted and unworthy of love or respect
• Feel guilty or ashamed
• Feel helpless and powerless
• Feel used , controlled, or manipulated
• Be terrified of doing something that will upset their abuser
• Behave differently in order to avoid upsetting their abuser
• Have difficulty sleeping, concentrating, or participating in activities they once enjoyed
• Develop mental health conditions such as depression or anxiety
• Develop physical health conditions such as heart disease, digestive issues, muscle and bone conditions, fertility problems, and nervous system disorders
• Feel responsible for regulating the emotions and behaviors of their abuser
• Feel hypervigilant and like they are constantly walking on eggshells
• Not feel good enough or capable to make it on their own
• Constantly doubt their perception and their decisions

Experiencing domestic abuse can cause physical and mental health issues that persist long after the abuse stops.

Supporting Someone Who Has Been Abused

These are some ways to support someone who has been abused:

• Listen to the person and believe them
• Honor where they are in their process and don't push your personal views
• Offer assistance and let them know they’re not alone
• Help them note down all the details they can remember
• Remind them that they’re not to blame for anything that has happened to them
• Encourage them to seek professional support, either through a confidential hotline or via other medical or mental healthcare providers
• Encourage them to speak up about the abuse and report their abuser to the authorities, because keeping it secret only protects their abuser
• Respect whatever choice they make and let them know you'll be there for them regardless of what they decide

A Word From Verywell

Domestic abuse can take many different shapes and forms. It can be extremely traumatic to experience, leaving behind physical wounds, emotional scars, and health issues. It can affect every aspect of the person’s life and make it difficult for them to function.

Recovery takes time, but speaking up about the abuse, leaving an abusive situation , and seeking treatment are important steps that can help.

United Nations. What is domestic abuse?

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Preventing intimate partner violence .

Li S, Zhao F, Yu G. Childhood maltreatment and intimate partner violence victimization: A meta-analysis . Child Abuse Negl . 2019;88:212-224. doi:10.1016/j.chiabu.2018.11.012

City Government of Annapolis, Maryland. Myths about domestic violence .

Nemours Foundation. Abuse .

Women Against Abuse. Types of abuse .

Department of Human Services. Domestic violence crisis and prevention .

Washington State Department of Social and Health Services. Types and signs of abuse .

Yakubovich AR, Stöckl H, Murray J, Melendez-Torres GJ, Steinert JI, Glavin CEY, Humphreys DK. Risk and protective factors for intimate partner violence against women: Systematic review and meta-analyses of prospective-longitudinal studies . Am J Public Health . 2018;108(7):e1-e11. doi:10.2105/AJPH.2018.304428

Greene CA, Haisley L, Wallace C, Ford JD. Intergenerational effects of childhood maltreatment: A systematic review of the parenting practices of adult survivors of childhood abuse, neglect, and violence . Clin Psychol Rev . 2020;80:101891. doi:10.1016/j.cpr.2020.101891

U.S. Department of Health & Human Services. Emotional and verbal abuse .

Malik M, Munir N, Ghani MU, Ahmad N. Domestic violence and its relationship with depression, anxiety, and quality of life . Pak J Med Sci . 2021;37(1):191-194. doi:10.12669/pjms.37.1.2893

Cleveland Clinic. How to heal from emotional abuse .

By Sanjana Gupta Sanjana is a health writer and editor. Her work spans various health-related topics, including mental health, fitness, nutrition, and wellness.

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Great argumentative essay topics on domestic violence with prompts, dr. wilson mn.

• July 31, 2022
• Essay Topics and Ideas , Nursing

One of the most difficult parts of writing an argumentative essay is coming up with a topic and a thesis statement . Here’s a comprehensive list of Argumentative Essay Topics On Domestic Violence with Prompts.

Argumentative Essay Topics On Domestic Violence with Prompts

• The consequences of domestic violence. Essay Prompt: Some people consider domestic violence a common thing in a household. What can it lead to? Give examples and suggest solutions.
• Should domestic violence be taken seriously? Essay Prompt: Is domestic violence a common thing or a serious problem, which needs an immediate solution? Should women endure it?
• Officer-Involved Domestic Violence, Essay Prompt: The number of officer-related domestic violence has been on the rise, which causes concern about the safety of the family members of police officers. The main reason domestic violence has been on the rise is the stressful work environment that police officers go through.
• Theoretical Explanations for Domestic Violence Social Research Paper Essay Prompt: Domestic violence is one of the major societal problems experienced around the world. According to Guerin and Ortolan (2017), domestic violence encompasses aspects such as bullying, intimidation, and in extreme cases, murder perpetrated by an individual within a domestic setting.

As you continue,  thestudycorp.com  has the top and most qualified writers to help with any of your assignments. All you need to do is  place an order  with us

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• How Does Domestic Violence Influence Children’s Education? Essay Prompt: Domestic violence and education: examining the impact of domestic violence on young children, children, and young people and the potential role of schools. Frontiers in psychology. This article explores the adverse effects of domestic violence on children and the role of schools.
• Types of domestic violence. Essay Prompt: Point out the ways women can be violated. What are the most dangerous ones? What are their consequences?
• Domestic violence: a personal matter or an open problem? Essay Prompt: In this essay, discuss whether domestic violence should be kept in secret or brought out to publicity. Give your reasons.
• Domestic violence: who is to blame? Essay Prompt: If a husband beats up his wife, is he a brute or does she really deserve it? Give your reasons.
• Why women bear it. Essay Prompt: Try to find an answer to the question: why do women endure violence? Is it the absence of self-respect or the power of love? Give your reasons.
• Domestic violence as the echo of the past. Essay Prompt: In the past, violence against women was acceptable and nowadays some men keep to such a stereotype. Is it reasonable to keep this “noble” tradition or should it become a thing of the past?

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Domestic violence argument topics

• How to protect yourself from domestic violence? Essay Prompt: In this essay, you should make a research and point out ways to protect yourself from domestic tyranny. You may consult legislative documents.
• I’m a victim: what to do? Essay Prompt: If one becomes a victim of domestic tyranny, what measures should be taken? How to punish the offender? Give examples.
• Social services protecting victims of domestic violence. Essay Prompt: What are the social services protecting victims of violence? What are their functions? Do they really help?
• How to recognize a despot. Essay Prompt: If husband has lifted his hand against wife once, he is sure to do it again and again. How can a tyrant be recognized and avoided? Offer your variants.
• Punishment for offender. Essay Prompt: Consult special literature and comment how justice can punish a person blamed in domestic violence.
• To forgive or not to forgive? Essay Prompt: Analyze the cases of domestic violence and decide whether tyranny can be forgiven. Decide whether it is reasonable, to give the offender one more chance. Explain why.
• Domestic Violence, Child Abuse and Rape Violence Effects on Individual or Community Essay Prompt: Discuss your knowledge of the effects these three crimes have on individuals and society as a whole.
• Negative Effects of Domestic Violence on Children Essay Prompt: This essay affirms that domestic violence poses a number of negative effects on children, including social development, brain development, and social behavior. (Domestic violence argument topics)
• Why Domestic Violence Victims Don’t Leave Essay Prompt: There were surprising things in the video; for instance, the domestic violence follows predefined steps when the victim is new in the relationship.
• Domestic Violence And Sociological Perspective Or Sociological Imagination Essay Prompt: Schools as Training Grounds for Domestic Violence and Sexual Harassment (Domestic violence argument topics)
• Find out more on  Argumentative Essay Topics About Social Media [Updated]

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• DOI: 10.1177/17488958241257837
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The shift in focus from victims to the most serious perpetrators of domestic abuse

• Barry S Godfrey , Jane C Richardson
• Published in Criminology &amp; Criminal… 31 May 2024
• Sociology, Law
• Criminology &amp; Criminal Justice

13 References

Police response to domestic violence, police responses to domestic abuse during the covid-19 pandemic: positive action and police legitimacy, implementing a perpetrator-focused partnership approach to tackling domestic abuse: the opportunities and challenges of criminal justice localism, mandatory arrest and prosecution policies for domestic violence, changes and continuities in police responses to domestic abuse in england and wales during the covid-19 ‘lockdown’, a review of domestic violence perpetrator programs in the united kingdom, race, poverty, and the crime-centered response to domestic violence, learning from domestic homicide reviews in england and wales., restorative justice and gendered violence. diversion or effective justice, young criminal lives: life courses and life chances from 1850, related papers.

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Home — Essay Samples — Law, Crime & Punishment — Advocacy — Domestic Violence Persuasive Speech

Domestic Violence Persuasive Speech

• Categories: Advocacy

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Published: Mar 13, 2024

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The prevalence of domestic violence, the impact of domestic violence, the urgent need for action, the broader implications.

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• Essay: Effects of Domestic Violence

Domestic violence is any abusive behavior used to control a spouse, or partner. Women have been victims of such abuse for many years, and continue to be victimized not only physically, but psychologically. Often, abuse begins with a desire of feeling in control, or feeling in power of the victim.

Next, another important cause as to why domestic violence begins, is substance abuse. “women at the highest risk for being the victim of domestic violence include those with male partners who abuse drugs (especially alcohol), are unemployed or underemployed, afflicted by poverty, or have not graduated from high school,” (Roxanne Dryden-Edwards). Also, issues like poverty and homelessness emerge as a result of domestic violence.

“Between 25%-50% of homeless families have lost their homes as a result of intimate partner violence.” (Roxanne Dryden-Edwards). Also, women who experience domestic abuse might resort to drugs and alcohol as a coping mechanism, ultimately becoming addicted to such substances. Victims also experience physiological damage, to the point of developing serious conditions like the Stockholm Syndrome.

Although there are many causes, the effects of domestic abuse on women are quite detrimental to not only their psychological, but physical health as well.

First of all, domestic abuse begins as the partner wants to feel in control of the relationship, “Domestic abuse between spouses or intimate partners is when one person in a marital or intimate relationship tries to control the other person.

The perpetrator uses fear and intimidation and may threaten to use or may actually use physical violence.” (Tina de Benedictis, Jaelline, and Jeanne Segal). The abuser focuses on intimidating the other partner using verbal, nonverbal, or physical tactics to ultimately gain control over the other person.

For the other person to comply with their desires, the abuser might also resort to using emotional abuse, “Emotional abuse includes verbal abuse such as yelling, name-calling, blaming, and shaming. Isolation, intimidation, and controlling behavior also fall under emotional abuse.” (Stop Violence Against Women).

The perpetrator may isolate the victim from friends and family, or manipulate them into thinking they are to blame for the abusive behavior.

Next, another, yet equally important cause for domestic violence is substance abuse. “substance abuse occurs in conjunction with intimate partner violence anywhere from 40 to 60 percent of the time. Additionally, approximately 20 percent of abusive males admit to consuming some type of drug and/or alcoholic beverage before acting aggressively toward their partners.” (rehabcenter.net).

Substance abuse and domestic violence most of the time go hand in hand. Whether it is one of the partners, or both that are having an excessive consumption of alcohol or drugs, such substance abuse leads to violent acts. This is because when being in an impaired state many people cannot find a way to suppress their anger, and ultimately take it out on their partners.

“The risk for violent behavior increases with intoxication, but only among individuals who are prone to suppressing their feelings of anger while they are sober. Testing people who reported that they were prone to burying their angry feelings, researchers observed a 5 percent increase in violent behavior that followed a 10 percent increase in drinking to the point of getting drunk.” (americanaddictioncenters.org).

This comes to show, that people who experience intolerance or have anger issues are more likely to be violent when under the influence of alcohol or drugs.

Accordingly, being in an abusive relationship can have serious effects on the person who is being abused. One of the main issues that emerge after dealing with an abusive partner is poverty or homelessness. “Approximately 50% of all women who are homeless report that domestic violence was the immediate cause of their homelessness.” (domesticshelters.org; endhomelessness.org).

Many of the people being affected by an abusive partner, feel a desperate need to get away, and often times stay with the partner because they are afraid, or because they are given financial stability. In the end, once they decide to run away from the abuser, since they cannot find the means to sustain themselves, they are faced with the harsh reality of poverty and homelessness.

In the words of researchers, “recent statistics suggest that on a single night in January 2017 16 percent of the overall homeless population, 87,329 people, reported having experienced domestic violence at some point. Research from a study in New York City indicates that one in five families experienced domestic violence in the five years before entering the shelter.” (endhomelessness.org).

This numerical evidence comes to show the reality of many people today, and the detrimental effects domestic violence can have on these victims.

Moreover, contrary to popular belief, it is not only the aggressors who tend to use alcohol and drugs. Often times, drug usage begins because the perpetrator may make the victim forcefully consume such substances, “In some cases, a partner may force the victim to abuse drink or drugs, either as a punishment or as a promise that by joining them in their habit they won’t inflict further violence.” (stepstorecovery.com).

Therefore, when becoming used to consuming drugs, the victim may not want to leave the abuser as they feel afraid of confronting the authorities about their addiction, or many times because they are so addicted to the drugs their partner is providing, that they do not want to lose such supplies.

Drug abuse can also begin as a result of the prolonged hostility, victims tend to look for comfort in substances such as drug and alcohol. Drug abuse emerges as a result of feelings of depression and anxiety, as people try to cope with the psychological effects of domestic violence. “Victims of domestic abuse are more likely to use tobacco and marijuana, as well as engage in other compulsive behaviors, such as eating disorders.

Compared to people who do not experience domestic violence, victims are 70 percent more likely to abuse alcohol.” (americanaddictioncenters.org). The presence of alcohol or drugs in the victim’s body is dangerous for a few reasons. First, being in an impaired state makes the victim more vulnerable and weaker to the point in which they cannot defend themselves from the abuse, making it easier for the abuser to take full control of the situation.

Next, when the victim is under the influence of such substances, it becomes harder for them to assess the hostile situation they are in, thus remaining in it because of the damaging effects of drugs or alcohol.

Aside from the physical damage domestic abuse causes, there are emotional and psychological scars left during and after the abuse. Feelings of depression, low self-esteem, and questioning sense of self are some of the few emotional effects victims suffer. Abusers, tend to isolate the victim from their loved ones, set barriers as to what they can and cannot do, and bully them with harmful words to the point of stripping the victim of all that is theirs and damaging their psychological stability.

These issues are damaging to the victim, to the point of developing psychological conditions such as the Stockholm Syndrome. “ Stockholm Syndrome  is also common in long-term abuse situations. In Stockholm Syndrome, the victim is so terrified of the abuser that the victim overly identifies and becomes bonded with the abuser in an attempt to stop the abuse. The victim will even defend their abuser and their emotionally abusive actions.” (Tracy).

The danger in having this syndrome is that the victim, after receiving such abuse for a prolonged period of time and finally leaving the relationship, might actually want to go back with the abuser.  “Local law enforcement personnel have long recognized this syndrome with battered women who fail to press charges, bail their battering husband/boyfriend out of jail, and even physically attack police officers when they arrive to rescue them from a violent assault.” (Joseph M Carver).

Partners who suffer from this syndrome, ultimately end up not pressing charges and staying in the harmful relationship, being unable to recognize they are being harmed and their partner is to blame for this hostile situation. This puts the person at risk of living in an abusive relationship once again and worsening the situation as the abuser may want to take revenge on the victim for trying to leave the relationship.

All in all, the causes for domestic violence begin with one goal. This goal is set with the purpose of feeling power and control over the other individual. It is reached by setting boundaries, isolating the other partner from their friends, family, and all loved ones, and even financially control them. Domestic violence is not only physically harming the partner, but inflicting emotional pain as well.

Psychological abuse is inflicted by the abuser when saying harmful words to the victim, taking away things that are theirs, and most importantly, not loving them as should be. The effects domestic abuse has on the victims are many. One of the effects, which is one of the biggest issues in America, is homelessness. Victims reach this point when trying to flee from an abusive home. Also, drug abuse is an outcome of domestic violence as when trying to cope with anger and pain, victims see a way out in drugs and alcohol, which is damaging to their health.

Finally, this is a very delicate topic that brings many detrimental effects to many women all over the world, and each passing day it is affecting many more.

Reference Page

americanaddictioncenters.org.

americanaddictioncenters.org . Ed. n.p. Vers. web. n.p n.p n.p. 18 June 2018.

<https://americanaddictioncenters.org/rehab-guide/addiction-and-violence/>.

domesticshelters.org.

domesticshelters.org . Vers. web. 07 Jan. 2015. 18 06 2018.

<https://www.domesticshelters.org/domestic-violence-statistics/homelessness-and-domestic-violence>.

endhomelessness.org. Vers. web. n.p n.p n.p. 18 June 2018.

<https://endhomelessness.org/homelessness-in-america/what-causes-homelessness/domestic-violence/>.

Joseph M Carver, PhD.

counsellingresource.com . Vers. web. 20 Dec. 2014. 18 Jun. 2018.

<https://counsellingresource.com/therapy/self-help/stockholm/>.

rehabcenter.net.

rehabcenter.net . Vers. web. n.p n.p n.p. 18 June 2018.

<http://www.rehabcenter.net/domestic-violence-and-substance-abuse/>.

Roxanne Dryden-Edwuards, MD.

medicine.net . Ed. MD Melissa Conrad Stöppler.

Vers. web. n.p n.p n.p. 17 June 2018.

<www.medicinenet.com/domestic_violence>.

stepstorecovery.com. Vers. web. n.p n.p n.p. 18 June 2018.

<https://www.stepstorecovery.com/alcohol-drug-education/understanding-the-link-between-substance-abuse-and-domestic-violence/>.

Stop Violence Against Women.

domesticviolenceinfo.ca . n.p n.p n.p. 17 June 2018.

<http://www.domesticviolenceinfo.ca/article/emotional-abuse-231.asp>.

Tina de Benedictis, Ph.D., Ph.D., Jaelline and Ph.D Jeanne Segal.

aaets.org . Vers. web. n.p n.p n.p. 17 June 2018.

<http://www.aaets.org/article144.htm>.

Tracy, Natasha.

healthyplace.com . Vers. web. 26 May 2016. 18 06 2018.

<https://www.healthyplace.com/abuse/emotional-psychological-abuse/effects-of-emotional-abuse-on-adults>.

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• Open access
• Published: 31 May 2024

Women escaping domestic violence to achieve safe housing: an integrative review

• Virginia Stulz   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-0275-8531 1 ,
• Lyn Francis   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-9683-3688 2 ,
• Anshu Naidu 3 &
• Rebecca O’Reilly   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-6693-5341 4  

BMC Women's Health volume  24 , Article number:  314 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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This integrative review summarises original research that explores women’s experiences of escaping domestic violence to achieve safe housing.

Integrative review. A robust search strategy was conducted using the following databases: Scopus, Cumulative Index to Nursing and Allied Health (CINAHL), Cochrane, Medline and PubMed. All articles were assessed for quality using the Mixed Methods Appraisal Tools (MMAT) scoring. Whittemore and Knafl’s (2005) five stage approach was used to analyse the primary literature related to women’s and stakeholders’ experiences of escaping domestic violence to achieve safe housing.

A total of 41 articles were retrieved and 12 papers were included in this review (six qualitative, one quantitative and five mixed methods) that fulfilled the inclusion criteria. Four overarching themes were identified: ‘Experiences of leaving domestic violence’, ‘Barriers to achieving safe housing’, ‘Facilitators to achieving safe housing’ and ‘The road to recovery’. The ‘Experiences of leaving domestic violence’ theme included two subthemes: ‘the losses’ and ‘ongoing contact with the perpetrator’. The ‘Barriers to achieving safe housing’ theme included three subthemes: ‘financial insecurity’, ‘being judged by others for leaving and service availability’. The ‘Facilitators to achieving safe housing’ theme included two sub-themes: ‘support, partnership, and collaboration between women and service providers’ and ‘feeling respected and heard’. The ‘Road to recovery’ theme included two sub-themes: ‘being a good mother’ and ‘empowerment after leaving domestic violence’.

Conclusions

This review has highlighted the need for service and health care providers to work together and collaborate effectively with the woman experiencing and escaping domestic violence, especially in rural and remote areas. This means giving women access to the most suitable educational resources and services that are appropriate for their unique situation. Tailoring support for women is crucial to enable women to achieve safe housing and to be able to live a safe life with their children, away from the perpetrator of the domestic violence.

Peer Review reports

Violence perpetrated towards women by current or previous intimate partners often leads to dislocation, homelessness, isolation and lack of support for the woman and, if a mother, her children. Domestic violence (DV) is violence that occurs between current or previous intimate partners in the form of physical and/or sexual violence, emotional abuse, or coercive control [ 1 ]. The term DV is used interchangeably with other terms such as intimate partner violence (IPV), abuse against women, domestic and family violence (D&FV). In relation to including ‘family violence’, this extends the context of the violence to between all family members, and not purely intimate partners [ 1 ]. To align with the aim of this paper, the term DV and/or IPV will be used throughout, with the exception of direct quotes.

Women and children are disproportionately affected by male-perpetrated violence [ 2 , 3 ]. Despite having government programs such as Staying Home Leaving Violence Program and national organisations to address domestic violence [ 4 , 5 , 6 ], government reports recognise that supporting women within their homes is not always possible. As DV impacts on women’s housing stability [ 7 ], rehoming women and children is a priority however, when rehoming women and their children, community connections and social support are crucial to consider.

A Domestic Violence Crises Service (DVCS) report, Staying Home after Domestic Violence, found that more than 37% (of 35 women whose cases were analysed) were unable to sustain long-term residency in their family homes following the end of the violent relationship. Over 50% of the women who were homeowners or private renters had lost their homes within 12 months of the separation [ 8 ]. Furthermore, due to the lack of affordable and safe accommodation many women and children remain in violent environments or resort to insecure and potentially unsafe accommodation to escape the violence [ 8 ].

DV is a primary contributor to illness, disability, and death for Australian women between the ages of 18–44 [ 9 ]. One woman is murdered by her current or former partner every week in Australia and this risk of extreme violence and homicide is higher for Indigenous Australian women [ 10 ]. Being in a relationship with a violent partner has detrimental impact on financial security [ 7 , 11 ], and mental health [ 12 ]. Moreover, DV reframes how women understand themselves and their identity negatively, decreasing their self-esteem and sense of agency [ 13 ].

Experiencing DV complicates a mother’s role and identity as a mother which intensifies the effects of violence on their lives and that of their children [ 14 ]. The perpetrator’s coercive behaviours can threaten the mother’s wellbeing and undermine her parenting ability and the relationship shared with her children [ 15 ]. There is no guarantee that leaving a violent partner will stop the violence [ 16 ]. In fact, for many women and children, it exacerbates the risk of harm [ 11 ]. The challenges of leaving a violent partner are compounded for mothers who also have to help children transition into a new life and deal with trauma [ 17 ]. Other than children, safety of their pets is another factor that prevents DV victims from leaving their homes to seek their own safety [ 18 ]. As pets are often seen as family members and survivors often view their pets as a form of support, separation is made more difficult [ 18 ]. Pets are often involved in DV situations and need to be considered in resources, programs and safety plans for women experiencing DV [ 19 ].

Health care practitioners have identified that they value woman-centred care when working with women who have experienced DV and these attributes included asking questions directly, responding holistically and supporting the woman’s choice. Health care practitioners have also identified that midwives are the most appropriate health providers to conduct screening for women experiencing DV and social workers are most suitable for providing a comprehensive response. They have identified support needs as working with a team, knowing their role when working with women experiencing DV and training and mentoring programs [ 19 ]. Adults and children experiencing DV have been able to access the “Orange Door” in Brimbank Melton in Victoria. The ‘Orange Door” is a partnership between non-government organisations, Aboriginal community services, Western Health and the Labour Government [ 20 ]. Additionally, the Family Violence Multi-Agency Risk Assessment Framework (MARAM) [ 21 ] in Victoria ensures services are effectively identifying, assessing and managing family violence risk. The aim of MARAM is to increase the wellbeing and safety of Victorians by ensuring services can effectively identify and manage DV risk [ 21 ]. The MARAM framework has also been evaluated recently and there is solid evidence that it has been broadly effective [ 22 ].

Transient accommodation may thus be required with a multi-service, wraparound approach that supports the woman and her children to seek alternate, safe and permanent housing, and promote recovery of holistic well-being. Collaboration between specialised DV services, police, child protection, social services, health professionals, mental health care, legal services, culturally specific services, and housing services is necessary in responding to the immediate crisis as well as providing follow up care in the post crisis stage [ 8 ]. Such services must work together to provide holistic, individualised and tailored support and service provision for each woman and child experiencing DV. There is much evidence to support that keeping women and children within their established community, and involving the community itself to provide a wraparound, multi-pronged approach to service delivery has multiple benefits. These include improving women’s and children’s social support and belongingness that ultimately result in improved mental health and reduced psychological distress; as well as increasing community awareness about DV and how to best support a known victim-survivor [ 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 ].

Economic abuse by perpetrators has been linked to economic hardship and women who have experienced high levels of emotional and physical abuse have also experienced increased economic hardship. It is important to support survivors to identify strategies for maintaining social supports and developing programs to provide tangible resources to decrease women’s material hardship experiences [ 27 ]. Financial control inducing financial insecurity is a form of domestic violence and causes more uncertainty about leaving a DV situation.

Aim of the integrative review

The aim of the integrative review was to explore women’s experiences of escaping DV and achieving safe housing.

To describe women’s experiences of escaping DV and achieving safe housing.

To explore barriers and facilitators to escaping DV and achieving safe housing, from the perspectives of women.

This study adopted a comprehensive literature search strategy and analysis of articles which met the inclusion criteria using the approach advocated by Whittemore and Knafl [ 28 ]. The six stages of this integrative review approach enabled a rigorous and comprehensive review incorporating the following: problem identification; literature search; data evaluation; data analysis and presentation of the studies’ characteristics and writing the final integrative review. Using the Whittemore and Knafl [ 28 ] approach we identified primary research articles which included six qualitative and four mixed methods studies.

Problem identification

DV reframes negatively how women understand themselves and their identity, decreasing their self-esteem and sense of agency [ 13 ]. Furthermore, experiencing DV, complicates a mother’s role and identity as a mother, which intensifies the effects of violence on their lives and that of their children [ 14 ]. Health care practitioners should be aware of how they can support women experiencing DV to safer housing and demonstrate ‘readiness’ in their roles to assist women in these situations. Understanding the support systems and processes of how women leave DV and IPV situations will contribute to this ‘readiness’ of health care practitioners working with women.

Literature search

Online databases searched included Cumulative Index of Nursing and Allied Health (CINAHL), Cochrane, Medline, Pubmed and Scopus. Articles included peer-reviewed quantitative, qualitative or mixed methods journal articles that were published from 2011 to April 2024 in the English language. The Population Intervention Comparison Outcome (PICO) framework was used to determine correct search parameters. Prior to finalising the review, we conducted another search in November 2023, to identify additional papers published in 2022–2023, but there were no papers found. The population of interest included women, the intervention of interest was safe housing, there was no comparison group and the outcomes of interest included women’s experiences of escaping DV and achieving safe housing. Table 1 provides detail of the inclusion and exclusion criteria. An example of the search terms are shown in Table  2 .

Search outcome

Initial search results generated 41 records identified across all databases. We searched for the abstract and the title. After four duplicates were removed using the Endnote referencing system and manual checking list, 37 articles remained. A total of three articles were removed as they were published prior to 2011 and not in English, leaving 34 articles that were assessed for eligibility. Twenty-two articles were excluded because they did not meet the inclusion criteria of women experiencing DV and seeking shelter in a safe house. In total, 12 articles (six qualitative, one quantitative and five mixed methods) remained in the final review. All included articles focused on the experiences of women leaving DV or IPV situations and seeking safe housing. This robust literature search strategy was conducted using the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic reviews and Meta-Analysis (PRISMA) flow diagram (see Fig.  1 ).

Search strategy using PRISMA flow diagram

Data extraction and evaluation

Data from the 12 articles were extracted including: aim of the study, country, design and methods, sample, data analysis, findings, and the impact of women’s experience in accessing shelter after experiencing DV. All authors evaluated the articles using the Mixed Methods Appraisal Tools (MMAT) [ 29 ] for the six qualitative, one quantitative, and five mixed methods studies (see Table  3 ).

Characteristics of the studies

A summary of the 12 articles that met the inclusion criteria is presented in Table  3 . Six of the articles were qualitative studies, one was quantitative, and five were mixed methods studies. The MMAT quality scores are identified in the table. Although this method does not use numerical scores to determine quality, it was agreed by the authors to use seven as the maximum total score in line with the two questions asked for all studies and five questions assessed for the qualitative and mixed methods studies. The MMAT scores were compared between three authors and consensus was achieved.

Integrative review analysis

Using the Whittemore and Knafl [ 28 ] steps we analysed 12 research articles which met the inclusion criteria. This included six qualitative, one quantitative, and five mixed methods studies. The first step of analysis involved becoming familiar with the data from the identified nine papers and this involved populating and dividing the articles’ content into separate qualitative and quantitative spreadsheets. This process involved tabulation of the studies to identify aims, participants, methods, design, data collection, analysis and findings or outcomes to provide a better understanding of the nuances of each of the articles. The second step of the analysis involved identification of initial codes that were reported by the authors of each study regarding the experiences of women leaving DV situations and seeking safe housing. The third step of the analysis involved populating relevant information from the articles under the coded headings that were compiled from the previous step. The fourth step involved reviewing themes and comparing and amalgamating the overlapping themes with all authors. This resulted in the fifth step of refining, recategorizing and naming the final overarching themes and subthemes and presenting an overall analysis. Some of the themes and sub-themes were named from the women’s words in the articles reviewed. The overarching themes and subthemes are identified in Table  4 .

Two of the 12 articles were led by Nnawulezi et al. [ 37 , 38 ] which were both mixed methods studies that used an exploratory sequential design. Seven of the articles were from the United States of America [ 32 , 34 , 37 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 41 ], two from Australia [ 33 , 35 ], one from Canada [ 31 ], one from the Netherlands [ 36 ] and one from Italy [ 30 ].

Experiences of leaving domestic violence

Experiences of leaving DV situations were addressed in nine of the included articles. Two sub-themes capture the women’s experiences. ‘ The losses ’ that women and their children experience when leaving DV situations are explored in the first sub-theme. This is followed by the sub-theme, ‘ongoing contact with the perpetrator’.

A number of losses for women leaving DV situations were addressed across nine of the included articles. A mixed methods study exploring safety-related trade-offs from the perspectives of 309 female survivors seeking safety through DV services in the USA revealed several losses occurred [ 39 ]. The six key losses identified were “loss of emotional and physical safety for self and loved ones; loss of social support; loss of financial stability; loss of home and rootedness; loss of control over parenting; and loss of freedom” [ 39 , 39 ]. Two of the studies [ 35 , 40 ] highlighted the loss of access to health services that women experienced due to conditions such as diabetes and mental health conditions. This loss came at the expense of their own health as they did not have time or could not afford medication and was coupled with a lack of mental health resources [ 35 , 40 ].

Seven of the articles highlighted the loss of home, community and rootedness and not being able to return to their own community, especially when the women came from isolated rural and regional areas. DV often resulted in women and children having to leave their family home, seeking refuge in women’s shelters [ 31 , 35 , 40 ] or residence in poor quality housing [ 35 , 40 ], where they continued to feel unsafe [ 32 , 40 , 41 ]. For some women and children, leaving the DV situation resulted in homelessness due to a lack of affordable housing options [ 31 , 32 , 34 , 35 , 39 , 41 ]. Alternatively, to attain safe, affordable housing, some DV survivors were forced to relocate, [ 35 , 40 ], experiencing a loss of belonging to a community [ 31 , 39 ].

Four articles identified that women often make geographical moves to seek safety and shelter and the complexities of this transition. Wood et al. [ 40 ] describe women relocating to a different state so they could be away from their abusive partner which subsequently meant being away from supportive networks and living in violent communities. Bonnycastle et al. [ 31 ] discussed the geographical remoteness of moving away from their First Nations community for safety. Similarly, Meyer and Stambe [ 33 ] report that moving into independent housing post-crisis accommodation proved difficult for women in regional settings. Cultural background further complicated women’s experiences [ 33 ]. Indigenous mothers in Meyer and Stambe’s [ 33 ] study further discussed experiences of being forced to consider substandard housing in the absence of available public housing and an inability to compete in a limited, regional housing market.

Thomas et al. [ 39 ] found that for women seeking safety it also meant relocating their home and community which led to an actual loss or a sense of loss in rootedness. This resulted in difficulties their children would face if “uprooted,” especially regarding friends and school. Overall, the use of phrases such as “having to start over” and “I have lost everything” suggest that the loss of home, relocating to another community and uprooting their children equals a complete overhaul of one’s life to get away from their abusive partner [ 39 ]. Women came to the realisation that they had to move with uncertainty about the future due to the fear of their children being hurt or abused [ 39 ].

Women in Bonnycastle et al.’s [ 31 ] study identified the importance of having your own space at home and that culture and language provide a sense of identity at home. Housing unavailability often led to overcrowded living conditions [ 31 , 40 ]. Similarly, Albanesi et al. [ 30 ] also found that co-housing with other women was difficult due to cultural and structural reasons such as a lack of private space and forced intimacy.

Ongoing contact with the perpetrator

Five of the articles identified ongoing contact with their perpetrator after leaving a DV situation being a major source of concern. Re-traumatisation, disrupted healing and ongoing manipulation by the perpetrator were experienced by many women and their children [ 33 , 35 , 39 ]. Six participants in a mixed methods study reported heightened fear and stress when required to communicate with their perpetrator for their children’s needs, and during exchange of children’s care where shared custody arrangements were in place [ 39 ]. Twenty-six participants in the same study experienced a loss of control over parenting capacity, as well as fear and worry for their children’s safety, where abusive partners sought and obtained partial or full custody of their children. One woman feared for her life, this fear continuing after she left the relationship but had to remain in close vicinity to the perpetrator [ 35 ]. Similarly, Albanesi et al. [ 30 ] found that women reported fear about being chased by the partner, because even if the partner was unaware about where they resided, they knew where their children went to school and where the woman worked.

Ongoing contact with their perpetrator was also an issue for women survivors who lived in a small and/or rural community or had no informal support beyond their violent partners family. Seeking safe housing in a women’s shelter within their community meant they remained near their perpetrator and his family, creating an inability to feel free of the fear of their partner. For some participants, their only option of secure housing was with their partners’ family, intensifying tensions with their violent partner and with other family members [ 31 ]. The experiences of women survivors in leaving DV situations are complex. Across both sub-themes in this section, securing safe living arrangements was of paramount importance to the successful recovery of women and children leaving DV situations.

Barriers to achieving safe housing

Eleven of the articles discussed the barriers to achieving safe housing when considering women’s experiences of escaping DV.

Financial insecurity

Eight of the 11 articles discussed women’s experiences with financial insecurity when leaving DV situations. In Clough et al.’s [ 32 ] study, stable, affordable housing was critical in increasing safety for women and their children and impacted their ability to leave and stay safe. Women needed financial assistance to find safe housing and this resonated with other studies’ findings [ 30 , 31 , 32 , 36 ]. Survivors faced multiple systemic or individual barriers to housing including unscrupulous landlords and poor credit history [ 32 ].

Financial insecurity was also an issue for women not having a job and their role in looking after children [ 30 , 33 , 34 , 39 , 40 ]. Thomas et al. [ 39 ] identified women’s loss of financial security due to the loss of the abusive partner’s income and the added cost of relocation and entering into a shelter. Wood et al. [ 40 ] identified that having the means to pay for permanent housing and time pressures was a constant anxiety. Two of the studies conducted by Meyer and Stambe [ 33 ] and Bonnycastle et al. [ 31 ] identified that experiences of financial disadvantage were worsened by the limited opportunities available in regional settings and the geographical remoteness of some areas. These same two studies [ 31 , 33 ] highlighted the absence of affordable housing particularly for First Nations People being more disadvantaged. Both Indigenous and non-Indigenous single mothers faced discrimination from realtors and landlords due to having multiple children [ 33 ]. One Australian study highlighted the disadvantages of women on low incomes escaping DV as being unemployed meant that they have no chance of gaining a place in a share house [ 35 ].

Being judged by others for leaving

Three of the articles identified the loss of respect felt by women when leaving DV situations. Albanesi et al. [ 30 ] found that women often felt judged by other support services such as social workers and police. Similarly, Nnawulezi et al. [ 38 ] showed that staff in their study agreed that many other formal helping systems for women experiencing DV disrespected, policed, and discriminated against survivors. Participants from two research studies shared their feelings of being re-victimised or feeling judged and blamed by services that were meant to support them [ 30 , 32 ]. Qualitative data from a mixed methods study in the USA alluded to similar barriers, often created by services with obstructive screening policies [ 38 ].

Service availability

Four of the articles identified the lack of service availability that contributed to their vulnerability. Bonnycastle et al. [ 31 ] also identified that women felt unsupported by formal supports (notably First Nation or chief and members of council, law enforcement, and the child welfare system). This could possibly be explained by service providers working in housing, social service or DV agencies being under-resourced, uninformed or unable to respond effectively to the safety and housing needs of survivors. Subsequently, this results in women having to visit multiple offices and with each visit being required to repeat and validate their history of DV [ 32 ]. This often results in women finding it difficult to establish trust with services [ 30 , 39 ].

Bonnycastle et al. [ 31 ], report that informal support from family and friends was not always a viable option, and that seeking formal support was fraught with difficulty. In the same study, some participants revealed that there were little to no formal DV services within their home communities, and where DV services were available, they were often understaffed. A further barrier relevant to feeling judged was that accessing formal support services was only available after an episode of violence, and was governed by restrictive policies based on cultural values and beliefs, nepotism [ 31 ], and service bureaucracy [ 30 , 32 ].

Facilitators to achieving safe housing

Ten of the articles discussed the facilitators to achieving safe housing when considering women’s experiences of escaping DV.

Support, partnership and collaboration between women and service providers

Formal support, including safe housing, resources, psychological support and informal support that included family and friends,’ were an important road to recovery for women when escaping DV and achieving safe, sustainable housing. Albanesi et al. [ 30 ] identified formal supports as essential, to ensure housing solutions that led to safe housing and protection from the perpetrator. This formal support also included information about resources which led to increased access to legal support and services. Women were then ready to increase their skills which included self-actualisation [ 30 ]. Participants in Wood et al.’s [ 40 ] study participants also overcame housing barriers by paying back debt, and accessing legal help. For participants in Sullivan et al.’s [ 41 ] study, survivors who received support from the DV Housing model, reported significant improvements in housing stability in comparison to those receiving standard care. Similarly, Clough et al. [ 32 ], Bonnycastle et al. [ 31 ], and Jonker et al. [ 36 ] identified that stable, affordable housing was critical in increasing safety for the survivor and her children, and women needed financial assistance to find safe housing. Four of the studies also identified that professionals ought to help with financial matters as well as legal procedures [ 30 , 31 , 32 , 36 ].

The importance of informal support was highlighted in three of the studies [ 30 , 31 , 39 ] as provided by family, friends and colleagues that could assist with practical and financial issues such as loans and physical, emotional, and social support from family and friends. The normalisation of these supportive relationships provided the opportunity for intimacy and positive experiences [ 30 ]. When women left their abusive partner, informal support systems were affected by their safety-seeking efforts resulting in women losing their support systems [ 30 , 39 ].

Numerous papers reported findings of support from service providers as an essential facilitator to accessing safe housing for women and children leaving IPV situations. Support in linking women to other supportive agencies, finding suitable accommodation and coordination of care and assistance with work, and learning activities were considered important facilitators [ 30 , 31 , 36 ]. Professional support for assisting with establishing child care arrangements was also reported as beneficial [ 36 ]. Such formalised support and services were reported as best provided as a multi-pronged, collaborative approach [ 36 ]. Women who received support from housing agencies also reported experiencing less violence and economic abuse than those receiving standard care [ 41 ].

Women felt that a safe home “was more than just four walls and a roof “. Home was identified as a connection to family, community, culture, and safety. Culture and language were viewed as providing a sense of identity and belonging. Being able to secure a safe home within their community served to provide the women and children with their own space as well as rootedness. This key finding is emphasised by another study which built on two previous studies by the same authors. The earlier studies first interviewed women about their practical and emotional support needs during their stay in a women’s refuge, and then again six months later in their new lives in independent housing. The most recent study shared findings of re-interviewing 12 women five to seven years later, who were participants in at least one of the previous studies. The participants revealed that when at home, women identified the importance of having their own space at home [ 31 ].

Seven of the studies in this integrative review [ 30 , 31 , 32 , 34 , 36 , 37 , 38 ] highlighted the importance of partnership and collaboration between women and service providers in addressing DV towards women. As important to establishing supportive partnerships between women survivors and service providers were low-barrier and voluntary service policies. Three studies identified organisations that had low-barrier and voluntary service policies. Such policies resulted in a smoother transition for DV survivors into affordable and safe housing [ 34 , 37 , 38 ]. Low-barrier policies are defined as a “compilation of specific policies designed to reduce the eligibility requirements that can be barriers to accessing services” [ 37 , 37 , 38 ].

Trust was also noted as essential as a facilitator of partnership and collaboration between the DV survivor and service provider. Five of the included papers highlighted that trust between the woman and the service provider was essential in facilitating safe housing and a successful, secure future. Trust was reported as established through procedural flexibility in decision making about services, and the supports and needs of the woman and her children [ 31 , 32 , 34 , 36 , 38 ]. Further, the mutual establishment of goals, with a ‘one step at a time’ approach, was reported as essential to the facilitation of women’s trust in the formal services [ 30 , 36 ].

Trust between the women and children and IPV supporting services was a two-way process. All participants in Nnawulezi et al.’s [ 37 ] study noted that it was as equally important for the service provider to trust the women survivors as it was for the women to trust the service provider. The success in the provision of implementing low-barrier and voluntary service policies mutually trusting relationships was an integral part to implementing these core activities between the women survivors and the service provider [ 38 ].

Feeling respected and heard

Five of the studies in the integrative review [ 30 , 32 , 34 , 36 , 37 ] identified the importance of feeling respected and heard in their journey to recovery from leaving a DV situation. Feeling respected and heard by other DV survivors as well as service providers were important facilitators in accessing DV services and securing safe housing. Women who were able to build positive relationships with other women who had similar experiences reported feeling respected and heard. These relationships improved psychological wellbeing and resulted in increased self-efficacy and the forming of positive relationships [ 30 ]. Two studies reported that these factors were instrumental in achieving stability, including safe housing [ 30 , 32 ]. Participants in Clough et al.’s [ 32 ] study describe feeling respected and validated by well-trained, compassionate DV workers. Positive experiences with DV services were noted as non-judgemental emotional support; protection and safe shelter; development of the women’s awareness of the violence as not their fault; and building of the women’s self-esteem, self-awareness, empowerment and overall well-being [ 30 ].

The importance of engaging in empathetic and nonjudgmental listening, highly relevant to feeling respected and being heard was highlighted in four of the studies. Listening deeply to survivors’ needs was an imperative part of practice when implementing policies. Participating service providers in these studies highlighted that listening to, and hearing, women survivors’ reported needs ensured that organisational programming aligned to what survivors wanted throughout safe housing service provision [ 32 , 34 , 36 , 37 ].

Road to recovery

Nine of the articles examined the road to recovery when contemplating women’s experiences of escaping DV to attain safe housing. Within this theme, ‘being a good mother’ and ‘empowerment after leaving DV’ were deemed as essential to the recovery of the women and her children, and closely linked to securing safe housing.

Being a good mother

The importance, pressure, and responsibility experienced by DV survivors to be a ‘ good mother’ and able to parent their children with safety on their road to recovery was a sub-theme across seven articles [ 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 36 , 39 ]. Being a mother added an additional layer of complexity as their needs to improve their currently unsafe situation, increase their skills to secure economic independence, develop self-esteem and improve overall psychological well-being were inextricably linked to providing safety for their children, and seeing themselves as ‘good mothers’ [ 30 , 31 , 33 , 34 ]. Participating mothers in a mixed methods study reported the challenges of juggling finances, time, and ability to care for their children while seeking safety from their perpetrator [ 39 ]. An Australian study reported on the experiences of nine Indigenous and eight non-Indigenous mothers. Their experiences included feeling the responsibility of ensuring the safety and wellbeing of their children. For Indigenous participants, their identity as a ‘good mother’ was further challenged by social constructs of overcrowded housing, higher rates of family violence, and greater child protection interventions in comparison to their non-Indigenous counterparts [ 33 ].

Three articles discuss the importance of being able to protect, and mother children after leaving DV situations. Safety and suitable childcare for children was found to be the second highest priority in Jonker et al.’s [ 36 ] study which identified 11 priorities for women leaving DV situations. Sullivan et al.’s [ 34 ] study, found that grants including rental assistance and payment for bills increased women’s ability to parent their children and get back on track. Clough et al.’s [ 32 ] study identified that women used whatever was available to ensure a safe environment for their children whilst looking for stable housing. Women used and developed creative strategies to manage complex situations to reduce levels of trauma and stress for their children, such as couch surfing and working with multiple service providers to obtain funds [ 32 ].

Empowerment after leaving DV

Four research studies [ 30 , 36 , 37 , 38 ] identified the impact and importance of empowerment for women after leaving DV situations and finding housing. Nnawulezi et al. [ 37 , 38 ] showed that survivors who had greater autonomy in a shelter program demonstrated higher levels of empowerment. Two other studies concurred, reporting that after immediate needs for support, security and accommodation were met, women were empowered through skills and knowledge acquisition and self-efficacy [ 30 , 36 ]. Jonker et al.’s [ 36 ] study showed empowerment was the seventh highest need for women after leaving a violent relationship and finding safe housing.

The integrative review aimed to explore women’s experiences of escaping DV and achieving safe housing. There were key facilitators for DV survivors in leaving DV situations and securing safe housing. This discussion will focus on the key barrier of ‘The consequences of leaving DV situations’ as well as key facilitators, captured as ‘Being connected to support mechanisms’, and ‘Empowering women regaining their lives with their children’. All of these factors can influence the woman’s decision, and capacity, to leave the violent relationship and secure safe housing.

The consequences of leaving DV situations

Key consequences identified by this review were the increased vulnerability of women with children, the long-term effects of the ongoing contact with the ex-partners, and financial insecurity. Two-thirds of the articles in this review revealed that women experience many losses because of leaving DV relationships and this may include emotional, physical, financial constraints and loss of control over continuing relationships with perpetrators that involve their children [ 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 35 , 39 , 40 ]. Women have been shown to experience a heavy sense of loss when subjected to DV and unable to control emotions. Women have experienced psychological problems caused by the long-term DV from their partners [ 42 ]. Similarly, Māori women in Wilson et al.’s [ 43 ] study reported a loss of control over their continuing relationships with their partners and their children as a barrier to leaving a violent relationship. They recognised the control exerted by their partners exacerbated threats to the women’s life and safety and took a toll on the women’s psychological and emotional wellbeing, diminishing their sense of self-confidence [ 43 ]. Another study [ 44 ] in Iran, has identified that women who have been subjected to violence by their husbands faced challenges that related to their psychological health. Women have also been afraid of the perpetrator’s reaction if they find out about her disclosure about DV to health care practitioners [ 45 ].

Challenges have been identified in finding accommodation for women experiencing DV due to staff shortages and the availability of appropriate resources and DV services. These situations are often exacerbated by isolation, long distances, and lack of transport for women experiencing DV [ 46 ]. As identified in this paper, some included studies linked self-confidence and autonomy to women IPV survivor’s success in securing safety and stability, including safe housing, for themselves and their children [ 30 , 36 , 37 , 38 ].

This integrative review also highlighted the loss of belonging, and rootedness that First Nation peoples experienced due to leaving their tight-knit communities [ 31 , 33 ]. Similarly, Māori women in Wilson et al.’s [ 43 ] study who decided to leave were faced with challenges leaving their homes, due to the isolation from friends and families. This resulted in women experiencing vulnerability when unsuccessful in asking for help from friends, family or agencies [ 43 ]. The importance of culturally safe, responsive and trauma-informed care has been highlighted to ensure that the needs of First Nations people experiencing DV are met [ 47 ].

Women leaving DV situations often experience continuing contact with the perpetrator due to their children’s ongoing custody arrangements and concern for their children’s safety when in the care of their abuser [ 30 , 31 , 33 , 35 , 39 ]. Supporting this as a key barrier to leaving IPV relationships for safer living options, participants in a Canadian qualitative study revealed apprehensions about facing legal custody processes, and fear of shared custody where they had witnessed the perpetration of violence towards their children [ 48 ]. Studies that have explored the use of the legal system, including child custody processes by abused women who have children have reported that children can prevent women from pursuing legal prosecution of their perpetrator, due to concerns about their children’s safety and wellbeing [ 49 , 50 ]. Further research is needed on how such barriers can be navigated and women who are mothers supported in providing safety for themselves and their children where the IPV perpetrator is allowed parental custody.

Financial insecurity can result from women experiencing DV situations [ 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 36 , 39 , 40 ]. Housing instability and exposure to DV also compromises women’s sexual and reproductive health by restricting contraceptive access that may result in unintended pregnancy [ 51 ]. Grace et al. [ 51 ] found in their study that the majority of participants did not use contraception, however, this may have been due to financial instability as one in five women was unable to afford health care and all experienced housing instability as a result of leaving a DV situation.

One study [ 52 ] found that the longer the woman remained in the relationship, the finances were more tied up between the partners. Another study [ 53 ] found that women were financially dependent and did not earn their own income. Despite the abuse, some women were thankful for their partners’ support throughout the years [ 53 ]. Therefore, making the public and health professionals aware of legal advice and financial support that is available from domestic violence services is crucial in overcoming this barrier [ 52 ]. Learning income-generating skills is important to reduce economic dependence of the woman on her partner and increases maternal financial independence [ 54 ].

This integrative review also identified women feeling unsupported by formal supports and being judged by others for leaving the DV situation [ 30 , 31 , 32 , 38 , 39 ]. Women have also feared about being judged for not leaving a DV relationship, and not wanting to be stigmatized from others including health care practitioners [ 45 ]. Similarly, a systematic review [ 55 ] found that victims experiencing DV feared being judged by their friends, family, neighbours and health care providers as a barrier to disclosing that they were in that situation. Carthy and Taylor [ 52 ] also found the social stigma of not wanting to disclose DV created an additional barrier to seeking help. This was exacerbated by societal pressures, and that others would think she should have known better than to put up with the abuse [ 52 ].

The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the situation for some women with organisations having to implement social distancing and reducing the number of women able to access shelters [ 56 , 57 ]. This occurred in tandem with an increase in the number of women experiencing DV during the COVID-19 pandemic due to lockdown conditions [ 58 ]. Therefore, lockdown and social distancing requirements of COVID-19 led to greater difficulty for women accessing DV services, including safe housing options [ 57 , 59 , 60 ]. While some DV agencies had to suspend their services altogether, other DV organisations were able to access additional government support for homelessness and housing services [ 61 ]. However, the challenge for women being able to access such services was hampered by lockdown creating an environment where many DV victims were exposed to 24-h surveillance by their perpetrators. This is further heightened by this paper’s [ 61 ] findings that a lack of support of DV services felt by women attempting to leave violent relationships existed pre-Covid pandemic restrictions, and continues post pandemic restrictions. Further, the United Nations (UN) Women Australia [ 62 ] identified that the COVID-19 pandemic not only resulted in increased levels of DV, but also substantial losses in employment and reductions in unpaid care work for women across the globe. This resonates with the identified barrier in this review of financial instability preventing women from leaving violent relationships and secure safe housing options.

There have been many lessons learnt during the COVID-19 pandemic, including those for better planning in all countries for crisis events. For DV and ensuring women’s and children’s safety, some suggestions have been to ensure resilience in infrastructure and supportive IPV services to survive and thrive during crisis, embracing digital technologies, and increasing capabilities to gather real time data and conduct rapid assessments on gender impacts in crisis situations [ 62 ]. One study [ 63 ] identified insights into ways in which practitioners pivoted services during COVID-19, to respond remotely to women experiencing DV and the challenges of undertaking safe planning and risk assessment when working on video, and phone-based delivery. These align with the key facilitators identified in this review as being connected to support mechanisms and women regaining their lives with their children after leaving an DV situation.

Being connected to support mechanisms

Formal and informal supports were extremely important findings in this integrative review to facilitate women’s experiences of leaving DV relationships to achieve safe housing [ 30 , 31 , 32 , 36 , 37 , 39 , 40 , 41 ]. Informal supports such as family and friends need to know what formal services are available and DV organizations should distribute information about hours of operation and who to contact so that referrals can be completed in a timely manner [ 64 ]. The importance of service providers being able to provide ongoing training about DV to workforce members and education to all people about how to respond and recognize DV cannot be emphasised enough [ 64 , 65 ]. Health care systems could empower women by improving the capacity of health care providers in providing information to women about DV, especially legal issues, and supportive referral centres [ 54 ]. A recent Cochrane review [ 66 ] found that healthcare providers are ready to respond to learn about training about intimate partner violence towards women. One study [ 67 ] in India has indicated that healthcare providers demonstrated a significant increase in knowledge, preparedness and attitudes following training in responding to women’s needs escaping DV, as well as supportive practices including talking to women and validating their needs. This level of training also included integration of system-level changes that involved clinicians to deliver the training who had managerial responsibilities that ensured mentorship [ 67 ]. Women experiencing DV often need practical support such as social security benefit, housing, parenting support and finding employment and women value advocacy support as helpful in finding a house or a job [ 68 ].

In light of the previous reference about rural challenges in organizing accommodation for women due to lack of appropriate and services [ 46 ], future training could be targeted to rural areas to provide opportunities to co-train with local services that could strengthen integration, collaboration and mutual understanding. Specifically, maternal child and family health nurses are best placed to deliver care for women experiencing DV. However, greater support is required for sustainable nurse DV work, especially rural nurses who experience greater practice barriers [ 65 ]. Despite these barriers, relationship building is sometimes easier in regional and rural areas that already have existing connections with communities [ 46 ]. Similarly, Māori women in Wilson et al.’s [ 43 ] study found the support and strength of others enabled them to tolerate difficulties in leaving their violent relationships.

One systematic review [ 69 ] has shown how DV survivors benefited from support from external agencies including employment opportunities, legal aid and tangible resources such as clothing vouchers. One other helpful resource included educational information about DV and abusive relationships [ 69 ]. Enhanced collaboration between services may ensure that a culturally responsive approach may strengthen partnerships and rely less on individuals’ work practices to enhance women and childrens’ safety and wellbeing [ 70 ]. Practitioners have identified the importance of collaborating with internal team members of their organisations as well as specialist professionals external to their team, as these collaborations provide support, comfort, and specialist knowledge about social sector services and abuse. Health practitioners have highlighted how other team members have provided emotional support and inspiration to address DV [ 71 ].

In Canada, service providers and program staff have previously noted the importance of partnerships between their own service and other aspects of the system in easing referral processes. This resulted in pregnant women experiencing substance abuse being more likely to access the correct services and experience reduced service fragmentation. Sharing of program information within this system enabled information to be shared and service providers to become familiar with each other’s roles and develop trusting relationships [ 72 ]. Another review has highlighted the importance of working locally with service providers to ensure programs are contextually aligned and interventions are appropriate [ 73 ].

In Australia, for women experiencing DV in Aboriginal families, community partnerships amongst service providers have been identified to enable cross-agency work in a culturally safe environment, helping access to housing and programs for health and wellbeing. Referral pathways to other trusted service and community providers alleviates the shame for Aboriginal women experiencing DV [ 47 ]. Similarly, half of the women experiencing DV in Prosman et al.’s [ 68 ] study reported the importance of expressing themselves in their culture and language helped them to address barriers to source support more easily. Culturally sensitive support enabled them to accept help and share their sorrows more easily. Speaking in their own foreign language enhanced the bonding between the mentor mothers and the abused women [ 68 ].

One systematic review has highlighted the need to create a supportive environment for pregnant women experiencing DV [ 74 ]. Another qualitative metasynthesis [ 71 ] has shown that clinicians see their role as the most appropriate for responding to women experiencing DV as they are able to develop trusting relationships and talk to women over a period of time. They recognised continuity of care as an important component of forming strong relationships with women and being able to respond to DV [ 71 ].

Empowering women regaining their lives with their children

One study [ 75 ] showed that women escaping DV enabled them to refocus on the child’s needs. Even though mothers and children may have endured undermining of DV over many years, positive perceptions have been demonstrated and this is testimony to resilience of these relationships. Health care providers should build on these relationships when working with women and children and create spaces to work together [ 75 ]. Empowering couples by improving couple’s life skills, and economic empowerment could reduce DV, especially during pregnancy [ 54 ].

Māori women in Wilson et al.’s [ 43 ] study found strength in their own values and beliefs. Staying strong for these Māori women experiencing DV provided a platform for reviving and healing their well-being [ 43 ]. In Sapkota et al.’s [ 74 ] review, the main component of interventions included mentoring and supportive counselling that aimed to empower women in their flight from DV. Interventions were targeted around empowerment and assisting women to disclose their experiences of abuse as well as identifying the best resources to find a solution that was most suitable with her situation. Interventions should seek to provide services that are tailored to meet the woman’s individual circumstances and needs [ 74 ].

Limitations

We appreciate that the included studies show a diverse range of contexts of DV and IPV globally and that all of the countries represented in this integrative review may view this topic differently. Some of the studies included participants from Indigenous backgrounds (Australia and Canada) and regional areas (Australia). These studies may not be representative or generalizable to other areas of these countries.

This review has highlighted the need for service and health care providers to work together and collaborate effectively with the woman experiencing and escaping DV. This means being able to receive training and education to provide her access to the most suitable educational resources and services that are most suitable for her situation. Providing women support, encouragement and counselling who are experiencing DV will facilitate their path towards recovery to achieve safe housing.

Availability of data and materials

The datasets generated and/or analysed during the current study are not publicly available due to this being an integrative review and data were not collected. The literature reviewed is displayed in a table within the manuscript.

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Stulz, V., Francis, L., Naidu, A. et al. Women escaping domestic violence to achieve safe housing: an integrative review. BMC Women's Health 24 , 314 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12905-024-03143-7

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Understanding Violence and Victimization Essay

• To find inspiration for your paper and overcome writer’s block
• As a source of information (ensure proper referencing)
• As a template for you assignment

Introduction

Occurrences of violence and victimization in society, recent research on violence and victimization, victimization in theory.

Violence involves using of force to cause harm or promise to cause harm intentionally. Victimization on the other hand is the process of transforming another person into a victim by making them the receivers of violent or threat actions. Victimized individuals suffer from trauma that may be physical or psychological. The subject of violence and victimization is broad. Therefore, this paper will break it down and analyze some components of the issue in order to convey a general understanding.

The experience of violence and victimization begins in childhood and continues into adulthood. An individual may be violent or may be a victim of violence at any stage of growth except at infancy. Breaking down the study of violence and victimization into childhood victimization, adolescent victimization and intimate partner violence (IPV) allows researchers to better comprehend the subject. Moreover, domestic violence is a common topic under violence and victimization. This arises because a noticeable amount of crime involves acquaintance or family crime as well as interpersonal violence. Violence usually falls under the category of violent crime or family violence. A common presumption is that victims of either kind of violence will report their victimization experiences even if the perpetrators are never punished. Therefore, a good source of statistics of violence and victimization remains the national crime survey and the national family or domestic violence survey.

The following are the common types of violence reported by victims. Understanding types of violence will form the background understanding of victimization and its theoretical basis. Physical violence occurs when another person controls the victim using a body part or an object. Physical violence may include kicking, overmedication, murder and assault or threat with an object or weapon. Sexual violence happens when a person forces another to participate in a sexual activity. It includes and is not limited to beating sexual parts, denying a woman’s sexuality, denial of sexual information, and forced abortion. Emotional violence happens when something said or done makes one feel insignificant. It includes features like name calling, confinement to home or constant criticism (Government of Newfoundland and Labrador, 2010).

Psychological violence occurs when a person cause a victim to fear control. It includes threats of violence or abandonment. Verbal abuse ensues when language is the vessel that causes harm. Financial abuse transpires when the victim loses control of their financial resources. It may happen when they face a denial to enhance their capacity to earn. Spiritual and cultural violence practices happen when the victim suffers because of his or her spiritual or religious affiliation. Such practices include rape-marriage and honor crimes. Lastly, neglect emerges when someone who is responsible for care or assistance refuses to take up his or her duty (Government of Newfoundland and Labrador, 2010).

Below is an examination of findings from recent research about violence and victimization. Within the realm of domestic violence, there are; spouse-on-spouse abuse, child abuse and sibling violence. Googlin and Dunn (2009), examine the co-occurrence of the above kinds of violence or the existence of each type of violence individually. Characteristics of these types of violence include rape or sexual assault, robbery and aggravated and simple assault. Single victimization incidences occur only once in a household. However, if the violent incidences recur then they become repeat victimization (Googlin & Dunn, 2009).

Popescu, Drumm and Dewan (2010), also research on the subject of victimization among children. They separate it into primary childhood victimization and secondary childhood victimization. In the first part, the child faces abuse or neglect. In the second part, the child witnesses violence between parents during childhood. Using a self-administered survey the researchers conclude that childhood victimization positively correlates to negative coping to violence in a person’s adult life.

Intimate partner violence is a major component of family victimization worldwide. Widespread recognition of partner violence began in the 1960s (Stevens & Korchmaros, 2010). During this period, there was an increase in the number of legislation targeting victims of domestic violence in the United States. IPV research shows that victimization significantly depends on power and its construct of gender roles among partners (Googlin & Dunn, 2009). Another subcategory of violence and victimization involves victims who have any king of disability. Past researches confirm that there is a high prevalence of violence among people with disabilities at any stage of growth, compared to similar person void of disabilities (Rose, Monda-Amaya, & Espelage, 2011).

The formulation of scientific research on violence and victimization uses various hypotheses that depend on a literature study of the subject. The section below offers a brief theoretical view of victimization. Violence and victimization studies are diverse. Newer parameters are always arising on what to research in the subject. Historically, a systematic study of victims began in the 1940s because of an interest from socially conscious citizens and scientist (Schurink, Synman, & Krugel, 1992). Over the years, the study of victims depended on the complexities of perceptions and questions of morality and politics. Moreover, the description of victims, and how they should receive help, embroiled a verdict of justice, veracity, and humaneness. The researches quoted above form part of the predominant empirical studies by scholars that now make up the subject of victimology. Notably, the diverse forms of violence and the extensive nature of its application remove any limit on victimization (Schurink, Synman, & Krugel, 1992).

The degree of victimization is a perception of how much a person suffers. Social and political systems respond to victimization types that appear to be most severe in their respective societies. Similarly, individuals measure the degree of victimization based on the value they assign to the actions and consequences of a particular type of violence. Theories of victimization indicate that socially distant individuals and groups are popular targets of rational violence, which target their property. Meanwhile, socially close individuals will be popular targets, as victims, in emotional violence (Schurink, Synman, & Krugel, 1992).

The above sections explore the comprehension of violence and victimization. Information discussed above came from published scholarly work and a government website. The issues discussed above are diverse and this paper did not exhaust them. It would be appropriate to conduct a wider exploratory study to grasp fully each aspect of violence and victimization. Nevertheless, this paper demonstrated that there are various forms of violence and perception of victimization differs among individuals and societies. Research and policies concerning the subject usually arise from the theoretical understanding as well as the majority concern for a given type victims in the society.

Googlin, W. E., & Dunn, C. S. (2009). Three patterns of domestic violence in households: Single victimization, repeat victimization and co-occuring victimization. Journal of Family Violence, 25 , 107-122.

Government of Newfoundland and Labrador. (2010). Types of Violence and Abuse. Web.

Popescu, M. L., Drumm, R., & Dewan, S. (2010). Childhood victimizatioin and its impact on coping behaviors for victims of intimate partner violence. Journal of Family Violence, 25 , 575-585.

Rose, C. A., Monda-Amaya, L. E., & Espelage, D. L. (2011). Bullying perpetration and victimization in special education: A review of the literature. Remedial and Special Education, 32 (2), 114-130.

Schurink, W. J., Synman, I., & Krugel, W. F. (Eds.). (1992). Victimization: nature and trends. Pretoria: HSRC Publishers.

Stevens, S., & Korchmaros, J. D. (2010). A comparison of victimization and perpetration of intimate partner violence among drug abusing heterosexual and lesbian women. Journal of Family Violence, 25 , 639-649.

• Victim's Self-Protection and Victimization Theory
• The Crime Phenomenon: Victimization and Its Theories
• Crime and Victimization Trends
• Injury and Violence Prevention: - Bullying
• Victimology and Domestic Violence
• Community Initiatives to Deal With Gang Violence Among the Youth
• Understanding and Preventing Violence
• Urban Violence Case in Ferguson
• Chicago (A-D)
• Chicago (N-B)

IvyPanda. (2022, April 28). Understanding Violence and Victimization. https://ivypanda.com/essays/understanding-violence-and-victimization/

"Understanding Violence and Victimization." IvyPanda , 28 Apr. 2022, ivypanda.com/essays/understanding-violence-and-victimization/.

IvyPanda . (2022) 'Understanding Violence and Victimization'. 28 April.

IvyPanda . 2022. "Understanding Violence and Victimization." April 28, 2022. https://ivypanda.com/essays/understanding-violence-and-victimization/.

1. IvyPanda . "Understanding Violence and Victimization." April 28, 2022. https://ivypanda.com/essays/understanding-violence-and-victimization/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Understanding Violence and Victimization." April 28, 2022. https://ivypanda.com/essays/understanding-violence-and-victimization/.

KOTA Cares: Artemis House works to support victims of domestic violence

RAPID CITY, S.D. (KOTA) - Artemis House has gone by several names over the years but they’ve had the same goal in mind: helping survivors of domestic violence.

“Artemis House first began in 1979 as the Women in Crisis Coalition and it was formed by a group of concerned citizens in the northern hills to create a nonprofit organization to help women in crisis situations with domestic violence. Over the years it’s transitioned into the Victims of Violence Intervention Program where we serve all victims of domestic violence and sexual assault and part of that is through our Artemis House shelter,” Executive Director of Artemis House Renae Servaty said.

The organization provides support to victims through housing, counseling and a 24/7 crisis helpline where anyone can call and get support.

For advocates like Abby Briscoe, the biggest challenge is funding.

“The most challenging part I would say is that I want to give them everything. I want to give everything to them but we obviously have very limited funding...we have to prioritize what we are able to fund and what we’re not able to fund, " Briscoe said.

The safety of their residents and advocates is the number one priority. The safehouse does not advertise its physical address for this reason.

“So when an individual comes in to be assessed for our services to see what we can provide them, we do a safety assessment with them to make sure we can take precautions necessary to keep them safe as well as other individuals and our staff in our shelter,” Servaty said.

Artemis House provides support to Butte, Lawrence and Harding counties, but if someone from other areas needs support, advocates will do their best to either connect them with someone closer or support them directly from Spearfish.

To donate to this week’s KOTA Cares click here .

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Copyright 2024 KOTA. All rights reserved.

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