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Essay on Globalization: Globalization is a process of integrating trade and commerce throughout the globe. Governments, private companies and even people merge their differences and intermingle, interact, devise new trade policies, bringing different cultures and countries closer to each other. Unprecedented advancements in transport and communication technologies have added to the growth of globalization.
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Primarily, globalization is a commercial activity which also integrates different cultures and societies through trade and commerce. The origin of globalization is however a matter of dispute between historians and modern economist. Former believe it to be existing since ancient times while latter assert that it started only in 21 st century.
Below we have provided Long and short Essay on Globalization in English for your information and knowledge.
These Globalization Essay will let you know the meaning of globalization and its significance in today’s context.
You will also understand how globalization is shrinking boundaries and bringing people together.
These essays on Globalization will help you in your school assignments and several other competitions where you need to speak/write about globalization.
Globalization is the process of growing, developing and expanding the business, services or technologies all through the world. It is the expansion of various businesses to the global markets throughout the world. It requires huge international investment to develop large multinational corporations for the worldwide economic integration. It is to increase the connectivity and interdependence of the businesses in the worldwide markets.
In the last few decades, globalization has taken the form of technological advancement which resulted in easier travel, communication, and other businesses on international level for the people. On one hand, where globalization has made easy access of technologies to the people, it has also decreased the opportunity of success by increasing competition.
Globalization means connecting people, businesses, and governments all around the world. It’s like businesses growing and becoming known worldwide. During globalization, lots of companies expand globally and present themselves as international players.
Globalization is making the availability of businesses or technologies all across the world through the speed of markets. Globalization is making various huge changes in the world where people are moving away from their self-contained countries to the more integrated world. In order to globalize a business, a company need to bring change in a business strategy made for a single country to the special one having ability to operate in multiple countries.
Impact of Globalization
Globalization impacts a business and a company in various ways. Globalization impact on businesses in the worldwide market can be described under two broad categories of market globalization and production globalization. Market globalization is the reduction in selling barriers of products or services to other countries other than its home country. It is very necessary for a company to make success easier by effectively globalizing selling products to the international market. Production globalization is the set up of plant in many countries to produce products locally on low labour cost and earn more profit than its home country.
Globalization is the spreading of anything worldwide. However, generally it is the process of globalizing products, businesses, technologies, philosophies, etc all through the world. It is the creation of a successful interconnected marketplace without any limitation of time zone and national boundaries.
The most common and clear example of globalization is the spread of McDonalds restaurants all around the world. It became so successful in the worldwide markets because of its effective strategy adapting the culture of different countries in their menus to suit local tastes of people. We can say it as internationalization which is a great combination of both, the globalization and the localization.
It is very hard to decide whether the revolution of global marketplace is beneficial or harmful to the humanity. It is still a big confusion. However, it is also tough to ignore that globalization has created greater opportunities to people worldwide. It has changed status and way of living of people in the society to a great extent. It is hugely benefiting the developing nations by providing various developmental opportunities.
If we take it positively, it may eradicate the regional diversity and establish a homogenized world culture. It is supported by the information technology and show huge interaction and integration among businesses, companies, government and people of various countries. Globalization has positively and negatively affected the tradition, culture, political system, economic development, lifestyle, prosperity, etc.
In the last few decades globalization has been very fast which has resulted in the worldwide economical, social, political and cultural integration through the advancement in the technologies, telecommunication, transportation, etc. It has affected human lives in both positive and negative manner; its negative effects are needed to be addressed accordingly. Globalization has contributed a lot to the worldwide economies in various positive ways. Unbelievable advancement in the science and technologies has given amazing opportunity to the businesses to easily spread across the territorial boundaries.
Just because of the globalization, there has been huge economical growth of the companies. They have been more productive and thus given rise a more competitive world. There is a competition in the quality of products, services, etc. Successful companies of the developed countries are establishing their foreign branches to take advantage locally through the low cost man labor than their home countries. Such type of business activities are giving employment to the people of developing or poor countries thus giving way to go ahead.
Together with the positive aspects of the globalization, negative aspects are not forgettable. There has been risk of epidemic diseases by means of transportation from one country to another. There has been proper control of the government of all countries on the globalization in order to reduce its negative impacts on the human lives.
Globalization is a process of worldwide spread of science, technologies, businesses, etc through the means of transportation, communication, and trade. Globalization has affected almost all the countries worldwide in various ways such as socially, economically, politically, and psychologically too. Globalization is a term indicating fast and continues integration and interdependence of countries in the field of business and technologies. The effects of globalization have been seen on the tradition, environment, culture, security, lifestyle, and ideas. There are many factors affecting and accelerating globalization trends worldwide.
The reason of acceleration in the globalization is because of the people demands, free-trade activities, worldwide acceptance of markets, emerging new technologies, new researches in the science, etc. Globalization has huge negative impacts on the environment and given rise to various environmental issues like water pollution, deforestation, air pollution, soil pollution, contamination of water resources, climate change, biodiversity loss, etc. All the ever growing environmental issues need to be solved on urgent basis by international efforts otherwise they may finish the existence of life on the earth a day in future.
In order to prevent the loss of environment, there is need of globalization of eco-friendly technologies and huge level environmental awareness among people. In order to deal with the negative effects of globalization, companies need to develop greener technologies which may replace the current status of the environment. However, globalization has helped a lot positively to save the environment by improving various resources (reducing adverse effects on the environment like hybrid cars using less fuel) and promoting education.
Apple brand has also aimed to manufacture Eco-friendly products to reduce negative impacts of globalization and exceed positive effects. Increasing demands of the ever increasing population lead towards extensive deforestation causing great level environmental issue. Till now, almost half of the useful forests have been cut in the past years. So, there is a need to make globalization under control to reduce its negative effects.
Globalization is the way to open businesses, improve technological growth, economy, etc on international level for the international players. It is the way to manufacturers and producers of the products or goods to sell their products globally without any restriction. It provides huge profit to the businessmen as they get low cost labor in poor countries easily through the globalization. It provides a big opportunity to the companies to deal with the worldwide market. It facilitates any country to participate, set up or merge industries, invest in equity or shares, selling of products or services in any country.
How Globalization Work
Globalization helps global market to consider whole world as a single market. Traders are extending their areas of business by focusing world as a global village. Earlier to the 1990s, there was restriction of importing certain products which were already manufactured in India like agricultural products, engineering goods, food items, toiletries, etc. However, during 1990s there was a pressure from rich countries over World Trade Organization, World Bank (engaged in development financing activities), and International Monetary Fund to allow other countries to spread their businesses by opening trade and market in the poor and developing countries. In India the globalization and liberalization process was started in 1991 under the Union Finance Minister (Manmohan Singh).
After many years, globalization has brought major revolution in the Indian market when multinational brands came to India like PepsiCo, KFC, Mc. Donald, Boomer Chewing gums, IBM, Nokia, Ericsson, Aiwa etc and started delivering wide range of quality products at cheap prices. All the dominating brands shown real revolution of globalization here as a tremendous boost to the industrial sector economy. Prices of the quality products are getting down because of the cut throat competition running in the market.
Globalization and liberalization of the businesses in the Indian market is flooding the quality foreign products however affecting the local Indian industries adversely to a great extent resulting in the job loss of poor and uneducated workers. Globalization has been bonanza for the consumers however grave for the small-scale Indian producers.
Positive Effects of Globalization
Conclusion:
Globalization has brought variety of affordable priced quality products and overall economic benefits to the developing countries as well as employment to the large population. However, it has given rise to the competition, crime, anti-national activities, terrorism etc. So, together with the happiness it has brought some sadness also.
Globalization is positively needed by the society and country to go ahead and become a developed society and nation. A range of globalization essay is given above to help students getting education in various classes. Essay on globalization given above are easily worded and written by the professional content writer by keeping in mind the need and requirement of students. You can also get other related essays and related information such as:
What is globalization in own words.
Globalization means the world becoming more connected, where people, businesses, and countries work together on a global scale.
Globalization, in 10 points, is about worldwide connections: trade between countries, cultural exchange, faster communication, multinational companies, sharing ideas, easier travel, increased interdependence, access to global products, and a broader perspective on the world.
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History Dept.
If it weren’t for the young urban professionals of the 1980s, we’d never have MAGA.
Illustration by Ryan Inzana for POLITICO
By Tom McGrath
06/04/2024 05:00 AM EDT
Tom McGrath is a Philadelphia-based journalist and author. His new book, Triumph of the Yuppies: America, the Eighties, and the Creation of an Unequal Nation , will be published this spring by Grand Central Publishing.
A wealthy New York real estate mogul may not have seemed particularly well suited for the role of populist hero, but Donald Trump’s historic realignment of white working-class voters not only delivered him the presidency in 2016, but changed the GOP as we know it. A recent Gallup survey indicates that more Republicans now identify as working or lower class than Democrats . And white voters without a college education, once a core Democratic constituency, remain a key element of Trump’s reelection bid heading into November.
But for all the ink spilled over Trump’s connection to the white-working class, it’s actually a very different demographic that explains his ascension: Yuppies.
If you really want to understand Trump’s appeal, you need to go back a few decades to examine the social forces that shaped his rise as a real estate developer and remade American politics in the 1980s. Specifically, you need to wind back the tape to the 1984 Democratic primary, the almost-pulled-it-off candidacy of Colorado Senator Gary Hart and the emerging yuppie demographic that made up his base. They don’t remotely resemble the working-class base we associate with Trump today. But together, they helped shift the Democratic Party’s focus away from its labor coalition and toward the hyper-educated liberal voters it largely represents today, eventually creating an opening for Trump to cast Democrats as out-of-touch elites and draw the white working class away from them. In fact, if it weren’t for 1980s yuppies and the way they shifted America’s political parties, the modern MAGA GOP might never have arisen in the first place.
By the beginning of 1984, the yuppie phenomenon had been quietly building in America for several years. For nearly a decade, a small but distinct subset of baby boomers — well-educated college grads often hailing from the country’s most elite schools — had been settling in urban neighborhoods across America. Once upon a time, many of them had been part of (or at least identified with) late-’60s counterculture, but by now their values and priorities had shifted. Disillusioned by Watergate and the war in Vietnam, bruised by the rough economy of the late ’70s, they’d left their idealism behind and were focused squarely on their own success. They were intent on building amazing careers that compensated them handsomely, and on living with a kind of cosmopolitan sophistication — eating only the best food, buying only the best products, keeping their bodies toned at the upscale health clubs opening across America. They wanted lives, as the saying went, “on the fast track.”
Despite the new tribe’s relatively small numbers — just a few million of the roughly 75 million members of the baby boom generation — the media took notice. In January 1984, two young writers published a tongue-in-cheek paperback called The Yuppie Handbook: The State-of-the-Art Manual for Young Urban Professionals. The authors, Marissa Piesman and Marilee Hartley, hadn’t created the term “yuppie” — it had first appeared in print nearly four years earlier — but their book injected the term and the concept of yuppieness into the cultural mainstream. Within weeks of publication, Time did a big story on yuppies, as did at least a dozen newspapers across the country.
Of course, for all the hype yuppieness was receiving in those early months of 1984, it could have been yet another here‐today‐gone‐tomorrow media fad — the sociological equivalent of the Hula‐Hoop or Pet Rock. But then came the 1984 presidential campaign, and everything changed.
Throughout much of 1982 and 1983, Democrats had been optimistic about their chances of regaining the White House. President Ronald Reagan’s approval ratings were low, the Democrats had done well in the midterm elections and the misery of the 1981-82 recession was still palpable. The ’84 race would, Democrats believed, be a referendum on Reaganomics, and if that were the case, the American people might be glad to reverse course and put a Democrat back in charge.
Going into the primaries, Jimmy Carter’s vice president, Walter Mondale, a classic New Deal Democrat, was the clear front‐runner to win the nomination; he had a double‐digit lead over other Democrats in national polls and a string of endorsements from unions and party insiders.
But not everyone was willing to hand the nomination to Mondale, including Gary Hart, the 46‐year‐old senator from Colorado. On one level, Hart’s decision to enter the race seemed like folly. His name recognition was nearly nonexistent. He wasn’t tapped into any sort of national network of supporters. He was only two years into his second Senate term.
But Hart believed the time was right for a candidate like himself. Support for Mondale might be broad, he reasoned, but it was thin — few people seemed passionate about putting Fritz Mondale in the White House. Even more significantly, there was a history of unexpected outsiders becoming the Democratic nominee. George McGovern — whose 1972 presidential campaign Hart, not coincidentally, had managed — came from nowhere to win the nomination; and four years later, Jimmy Carter, despite being a little‐known governor from Georgia, managed to win the presidency. Why couldn’t Hart do the same?
What most distinguished Hart, though, was the fact that he wasn’t a traditional New Deal Democrat. While he was a decade older than the oldest members of the baby boom generation, he shared a sensibility with those who’d come of age in the 1960s — and particularly with those well-educated young professionals who’d been flooding into American cities over the last several years. He was liberal on social issues like women’s rights, abortion and the environment, but he wasn’t afraid to question Democratic Party orthodoxy on things like defense (he didn’t want to cut spending, just refocus it) and the economy (where he questioned the clout of Big Labor and put a premium instead on innovation and technology).
The first sign that something was really happening with Hart came in December. His polling in Iowa and New Hampshire started to tick up, and political reporters began to pay more attention.
In late February, at the Iowa caucuses, Hart proved the reporters’ instincts right. While Mondale easily won the night with nearly 45 percent of the vote, Hart finished a surprising second with 15 percent. His performance was so much better than anticipated that the media made him the story. Hart’s confidence, bordering on arrogance, only added to the buzz. “I told my daughter that if we finished second in Iowa,” he boasted, “we were going to win the nomination.”
A week later, in the New Hampshire primary, Hart backed up his bravado: He won that race with 41 percent of the vote, 12 points ahead of Mondale. Just like that, he was Mondale’s main opponent, and an avalanche of Hart coverage ensued.
Initially, the Mondale camp ignored Hart. But as he surged over the next few weeks — winning Maine, Vermont and Wyoming, and taking six Super Tuesday contests compared to Mondale’s three — they could see the nomination slipping away.
Mondale campaign aides quietly started talking to reporters, trying to poison the well about whether Hart was really an authentic Democrat. He had, they pointed out, limited appeal to the traditional Democratic base — he did OK, not great, in white union households, and he had virtually zero backing in the Black and Latino communities. Hart’s biggest support, the Mondale operatives noted, was actually based on age and class: He was the candidate of the affluent young professionals everyone had been reading so much about.
And so began a spate of Gary‐Hart‐Is‐the‐Yuppie‐Candidate stories. The Wall Street Journal . The Boston Globe . Time . CBS News. They all did pieces noting that Hart’s campaign had risen based on the support of young professionals — yuppies who wanted nothing to do with old‐school Democrats like Mondale.
“Yuppies have become the strike force of the Hart campaign,” CBS News reporter Bob Simon said in a piece that aired nationally in late March. Simon used the story as an opportunity to introduce evening news viewers to what, precisely, a yuppie was — and to let a handful of yuppies explain what they saw in Hart. “We’re fairly sophisticated and educated and well‐read,” a young woman in Connecticut said, “and I think that’s who Gary Hart appeals to.”
In the New York Times , reporter Steven Roberts went even deeper in a piece headlined, “Hart Taps a Generation of Young Professionals.” Roberts noted specific voter outcomes — in Florida, Hart had won among young voters, college grads and those making $50,000 a year or more.
“He appeals to people who grew up with Vietnam and Watergate,” said a 26‐year‐old who worked in banking. “I think the events bred cynicism into a lot of young people, and Hart represents an attempt to address that cynicism and overcome it.”
To still other young professionals, Hart’s appeal didn’t seem much different from that of yuppie status symbols like Perrier or nouvelle cuisine or hardwood floors. Supporting him was trendy, and it signaled that you were not part of your parents’ bland, middlebrow world. “We’re part of the ‘Me Generation,’ and people don’t want to take on the titles others had,” said a young woman who worked in advertising. “The establishment is Republican and the working class is Democratic, and being independent sounds a lot cooler.”
The impact of Hart’s candidacy was twofold. First, it took the term “yuppie” from the features section of the newspaper to the front page. Second, it signaled a shift that was taking place, announcing that the massive baby-boom generation — or at least the well‐educated portion of it — had arrived politically. Those Boomers, who had questioned all the rules in the ’60s and turned inward in the ’70s, were now ready to exert their influence at the ballot box.
Within the political classes, people were scrambling to understand whatever they could about the new demographic — even though it was a decided minority of the Boomer generation. Richard Darman, a young special assistant to Reagan, was reading The Yuppie Handbook and telling anyone who’d have anything to do with Reagan’s reelection campaign in the fall that they needed to do the same.
Meanwhile, in an editorial, the New York Times was announcing the dawn of a new era. “This truly is the Year of the Yuppies, the educated, computer literate, audiophile children of the Baby Boom,” the Times wrote. “By definition, not all baby boomers are Yuppies. But the Yuppies are numerous — 20 percent of the vote in New Hampshire, 10 percent in Illinois. And they possess atypical affluence and influence: These are the people who created the counterculture. They still listen to rock music, still wear wire‐rimmed glasses. Does their politics of the left also endure? Or does turning gray mean, as for other generations, turning right?”
The answer, the editorial continued, likely depended on the issue. Citing a recent survey, the paper said yuppies “strongly favor the equal rights amendment and freedom of choice on abortion, and oppose employment discrimination against homosexuals.” But on other issues, they were more conservative or more self‐absorbed. They were less concerned about unemployment than other age groups, and more inclined to favor further cuts in federal spending. As for social welfare issues, they were less likely than older Democrats to support income maintenance programs.
The important point, the Times concluded, was that no matter what their positions were, as a political force, they were here to stay.
On the campaign trail, Mondale and Hart, along with Jesse Jackson, the third remaining candidate, battled one another as April and May went on. In many ways, it was a proxy fight for the soul of the Democratic Party. Would it continue, as Mondale and Jackson advocated, in the New Deal-Great Society tradition of FDR and LBJ, using government to help meet the needs of labor, people of color and the working class? Or would it transform itself, as Hart argued, so that it was focused on a new economy and new ideas?
Mondale’s and Hart’s differences on policy, particularly around economic issues, were telling. When it came to the millions of manufacturing workers who’d lost their jobs in recent years, Mondale said the country needed to revisit its trade policies so such jobs could be protected; Hart suggested such jobs were never coming back and advocated for retraining workers. On the issue of the bailout the federal government had given to Chrysler several years earlier, Mondale said it was exactly the right thing to do, since it saved so many good‐paying union positions. Hart called it a mistake, saying that government should be supporting new technology and new industries, not propping up struggling companies in dying industries.
“Hart’s people have christened his core constituency as ‘Yuppies,’ young urban professionals,” the Indianapolis Star wrote in an editorial that framed the race as a battle between new and old. “Such people are liberal, on the whole, but not in the ‘old’ sense. Mondale is perfectly right when he accuses Hart and his ‘new’ constituency of lacking ‘compassion.’ The word ‘compassion’ is another code word. It means re‐distributing the income to the various parts of the ‘old’ constituency: urban blacks, old people, minorities generally, out‐of‐work teenagers. The college‐educated Young Professional does not thrill to that program.”
If there was a turning point in the race, it came in the first half of April, when Mondale won the delegate‐rich New York and Pennsylvania primaries. The race ground on for two more months, with Mondale finally amassing enough delegates to secure the nomination in early June.
Still, if Mondale had won the battle, there was a feeling among many that he and his supporters might not be winning the broader war that was taking place.
As the Star wrote, “[Yuppies] are a growing constituency. … However the race comes out, Hart has demonstrated an important thing conclusively: the growing weakness of the old liberal coalition as it rapidly passes into history, into the past.”
Heading into the fall, a big question was which way yuppies would go in the general election. There was a case to be made that the yuppies would, and should, support Mondale. When it came to social issues, many young professionals retained their idealism and liberal values from the ’60s.
But the Reagan camp was intent on attracting as much Boomer support as possible, despite Reagan, at age 73, being the oldest president in history.
As the campaign progressed, it became clearer that many of the baby boomers who’d been so excited by Hart’s fresh vision were ready to vote for Reagan. In a poll of voters between 18 and 34 who made more than $25,000 per year, Reagan held a 24‐point lead in a head‐to‐head matchup with Mondale.
For some young professionals, their support was based on Reagan’s manner and leadership style. But equally important was Reagan’s handling of the economy. College-educated young professionals had done better than most over the last four years, and seven in 10 of them believed Reagan was more likely than Mondale to keep making them better off financially.
On Election Day, the president soared, ultimately winning 49 states and trouncing Mondale by 17 million votes. It was the second‐largest landslide victory in American history.
Six weeks later, in its final issue of 1984, Newsweek ’s cover story summed up the mood of the moment. The magazine proclaimed it not the year of Ronald Reagan, nor the year of America’s economic comeback. It was, instead, “The Year of the Yuppie.”
Still, Newsweek ’s story— written with a snarky tone that reflected the eye rolls yuppies were starting to elicit — took pains to make one thing clear: For all the attention yuppies had gotten, they represented just a small slice of the baby boom generation. And that generation, overall, was struggling.
Indeed, between 1979 and 1983, median income for families in the 25 to 34 age bracket actually fell 14 percent. And compared with their parents at the same age, two‐thirds of baby boomers were actually worse off economically. The real story of the baby boom generation was not about achievement or success or boutiques or renovated brownstones or fitness classes or choosing from among a hundred types of cheeses. It was about downward mobility.
Forty years after the fact, the election of 1984 stands as a clear turning point in America, particularly for Democrats. The enormity of Reagan’s landslide was scarring for the party, convincing a younger generation of leaders in particular that the party’s profile — as the home of working people, labor unions and trade protectionism — was no longer a recipe for electoral success. If they wanted to thrive, they argued, they needed to go harder in the direction that Gary Hart — and yuppies — had pointed them.
In 1992, that faction of the party got its wish with the nomination and election of Bill Clinton, not only a centrist but a Yale- and Oxford-educated baby boomer — the first yuppie president. In office, Clinton pursued an agenda that largely put the desires of college-educated professionals above those of the blue-collar working class. He signed welfare reform and announced the era of big government was over. He championed NAFTA, which made it easier to ship manufacturing jobs to Mexico. He deregulated the financial industry, boosting the power and profits of Wall Street.
Meanwhile, Democrats increasingly became the party of college graduates. In the late 1990s, fewer than 25 percent of Democrats held a college degree, compared with 30 percent of Republicans. But by 2010 the share of college-educated Democrats had risen to nearly 35 percent, and by 2020 it was nearly 50 percent. In contrast, the share of college graduates in the GOP barely budged, and today still hovers around 30 percent.
Though they were a minority in the country, the well-educated baby boomers who had come to the fore in the first half of the ’80s effectively became America’s ruling class. Their basic political philosophy — liberal on social issues, conservative on economic ones — dominated for decades, with support for gay marriage and abortion rights growing at the same time that taxes continued to be cut and globalization increased. More and more this well‐off professional class lived among themselves. In 2012, a researcher identified several hundred “super zip codes,” some within cities, most just outside of them, that attracted an extraordinary number of well‐educated, affluent families.
As for the rest of America? Their eyerolling over yuppies in the mid-’80s hardened into a deeper resentment of what became known as “the elites,” and in many respects it was understandable. By 2016, families at the top of the economic pyramid controlled 79 percent of all wealth in America, up from 60 percent in the 1980s. The percentage of wealth owned by the middle class dropped from 32 percent to 17 percent.
Ironically, it was Donald Trump — if not a yuppie himself, then at least a walking symbol of 1980s glitz and excess — who spotted the political opportunity, persuading many working‐class Americans that he was on their side. In office, Trump’s only significant legislative accomplishment was a massive tax cut for wealthy Americans, though he also imposed significant trade tariffs on China — a curious mix of Ronald Reagan and Walter Mondale. Despite the events of January 6, 2021, Trump still maintained the support of many people in the working class. A good number of them believed he spoke for them, saying they appreciated his apparent loyalty — something they hadn’t felt from the yuppified Democratic Party in decades.
Democrats have tried to win back the working class in recent years — this past September, President Joe Biden made history as the first sitting commander in chief to join a picket line when he expressed solidarity with United Auto Workers on strike in Detroit — but they continue to struggle with college-educated liberals’ takeover of the party . It’s a hard road after so many years of neglect. As for Gary Hart? His strong performance in 1984 made him the clear frontrunner for the Democratic nomination in 1988 — until he brazenly invited the press to follow him around and see if he was having an extramarital affair. They did. He was.
Four years earlier, Walter Mondale’s team had dubbed Hart the yuppie candidate, but in trying to fend Hart off, Mondale did something else, too: He questioned whether there was any real substance behind Hart’s new ideas and proposed policies. “Where’s the beef?” Mondale asked, parroting the popular Wendy’s commercial of the time . But it turned out Gary Hart had plenty of beef — shifting the direction of his party, and the country, for decades to come.
If 2023 was the year the world discovered generative AI (gen AI) , 2024 is the year organizations truly began using—and deriving business value from—this new technology. In the latest McKinsey Global Survey on AI, 65 percent of respondents report that their organizations are regularly using gen AI, nearly double the percentage from our previous survey just ten months ago. Respondents’ expectations for gen AI’s impact remain as high as they were last year , with three-quarters predicting that gen AI will lead to significant or disruptive change in their industries in the years ahead.
This article is a collaborative effort by Alex Singla , Alexander Sukharevsky , Lareina Yee , and Michael Chui , with Bryce Hall , representing views from QuantumBlack, AI by McKinsey, and McKinsey Digital.
Organizations are already seeing material benefits from gen AI use, reporting both cost decreases and revenue jumps in the business units deploying the technology. The survey also provides insights into the kinds of risks presented by gen AI—most notably, inaccuracy—as well as the emerging practices of top performers to mitigate those challenges and capture value.
Interest in generative AI has also brightened the spotlight on a broader set of AI capabilities. For the past six years, AI adoption by respondents’ organizations has hovered at about 50 percent. This year, the survey finds that adoption has jumped to 72 percent (Exhibit 1). And the interest is truly global in scope. Our 2023 survey found that AI adoption did not reach 66 percent in any region; however, this year more than two-thirds of respondents in nearly every region say their organizations are using AI. 1 Organizations based in Central and South America are the exception, with 58 percent of respondents working for organizations based in Central and South America reporting AI adoption. Looking by industry, the biggest increase in adoption can be found in professional services. 2 Includes respondents working for organizations focused on human resources, legal services, management consulting, market research, R&D, tax preparation, and training.
Also, responses suggest that companies are now using AI in more parts of the business. Half of respondents say their organizations have adopted AI in two or more business functions, up from less than a third of respondents in 2023 (Exhibit 2).
Most respondents now report that their organizations—and they as individuals—are using gen AI. Sixty-five percent of respondents say their organizations are regularly using gen AI in at least one business function, up from one-third last year. The average organization using gen AI is doing so in two functions, most often in marketing and sales and in product and service development—two functions in which previous research determined that gen AI adoption could generate the most value 3 “ The economic potential of generative AI: The next productivity frontier ,” McKinsey, June 14, 2023. —as well as in IT (Exhibit 3). The biggest increase from 2023 is found in marketing and sales, where reported adoption has more than doubled. Yet across functions, only two use cases, both within marketing and sales, are reported by 15 percent or more of respondents.
Gen AI also is weaving its way into respondents’ personal lives. Compared with 2023, respondents are much more likely to be using gen AI at work and even more likely to be using gen AI both at work and in their personal lives (Exhibit 4). The survey finds upticks in gen AI use across all regions, with the largest increases in Asia–Pacific and Greater China. Respondents at the highest seniority levels, meanwhile, show larger jumps in the use of gen Al tools for work and outside of work compared with their midlevel-management peers. Looking at specific industries, respondents working in energy and materials and in professional services report the largest increase in gen AI use.
The latest survey also shows how different industries are budgeting for gen AI. Responses suggest that, in many industries, organizations are about equally as likely to be investing more than 5 percent of their digital budgets in gen AI as they are in nongenerative, analytical-AI solutions (Exhibit 5). Yet in most industries, larger shares of respondents report that their organizations spend more than 20 percent on analytical AI than on gen AI. Looking ahead, most respondents—67 percent—expect their organizations to invest more in AI over the next three years.
Where are those investments paying off? For the first time, our latest survey explored the value created by gen AI use by business function. The function in which the largest share of respondents report seeing cost decreases is human resources. Respondents most commonly report meaningful revenue increases (of more than 5 percent) in supply chain and inventory management (Exhibit 6). For analytical AI, respondents most often report seeing cost benefits in service operations—in line with what we found last year —as well as meaningful revenue increases from AI use in marketing and sales.
As businesses begin to see the benefits of gen AI, they’re also recognizing the diverse risks associated with the technology. These can range from data management risks such as data privacy, bias, or intellectual property (IP) infringement to model management risks, which tend to focus on inaccurate output or lack of explainability. A third big risk category is security and incorrect use.
Respondents to the latest survey are more likely than they were last year to say their organizations consider inaccuracy and IP infringement to be relevant to their use of gen AI, and about half continue to view cybersecurity as a risk (Exhibit 7).
Conversely, respondents are less likely than they were last year to say their organizations consider workforce and labor displacement to be relevant risks and are not increasing efforts to mitigate them.
In fact, inaccuracy— which can affect use cases across the gen AI value chain , ranging from customer journeys and summarization to coding and creative content—is the only risk that respondents are significantly more likely than last year to say their organizations are actively working to mitigate.
Some organizations have already experienced negative consequences from the use of gen AI, with 44 percent of respondents saying their organizations have experienced at least one consequence (Exhibit 8). Respondents most often report inaccuracy as a risk that has affected their organizations, followed by cybersecurity and explainability.
Our previous research has found that there are several elements of governance that can help in scaling gen AI use responsibly, yet few respondents report having these risk-related practices in place. 4 “ Implementing generative AI with speed and safety ,” McKinsey Quarterly , March 13, 2024. For example, just 18 percent say their organizations have an enterprise-wide council or board with the authority to make decisions involving responsible AI governance, and only one-third say gen AI risk awareness and risk mitigation controls are required skill sets for technical talent.
The latest survey also sought to understand how, and how quickly, organizations are deploying these new gen AI tools. We have found three archetypes for implementing gen AI solutions : takers use off-the-shelf, publicly available solutions; shapers customize those tools with proprietary data and systems; and makers develop their own foundation models from scratch. 5 “ Technology’s generational moment with generative AI: A CIO and CTO guide ,” McKinsey, July 11, 2023. Across most industries, the survey results suggest that organizations are finding off-the-shelf offerings applicable to their business needs—though many are pursuing opportunities to customize models or even develop their own (Exhibit 9). About half of reported gen AI uses within respondents’ business functions are utilizing off-the-shelf, publicly available models or tools, with little or no customization. Respondents in energy and materials, technology, and media and telecommunications are more likely to report significant customization or tuning of publicly available models or developing their own proprietary models to address specific business needs.
Respondents most often report that their organizations required one to four months from the start of a project to put gen AI into production, though the time it takes varies by business function (Exhibit 10). It also depends upon the approach for acquiring those capabilities. Not surprisingly, reported uses of highly customized or proprietary models are 1.5 times more likely than off-the-shelf, publicly available models to take five months or more to implement.
Gen AI is a new technology, and organizations are still early in the journey of pursuing its opportunities and scaling it across functions. So it’s little surprise that only a small subset of respondents (46 out of 876) report that a meaningful share of their organizations’ EBIT can be attributed to their deployment of gen AI. Still, these gen AI leaders are worth examining closely. These, after all, are the early movers, who already attribute more than 10 percent of their organizations’ EBIT to their use of gen AI. Forty-two percent of these high performers say more than 20 percent of their EBIT is attributable to their use of nongenerative, analytical AI, and they span industries and regions—though most are at organizations with less than $1 billion in annual revenue. The AI-related practices at these organizations can offer guidance to those looking to create value from gen AI adoption at their own organizations.
To start, gen AI high performers are using gen AI in more business functions—an average of three functions, while others average two. They, like other organizations, are most likely to use gen AI in marketing and sales and product or service development, but they’re much more likely than others to use gen AI solutions in risk, legal, and compliance; in strategy and corporate finance; and in supply chain and inventory management. They’re more than three times as likely as others to be using gen AI in activities ranging from processing of accounting documents and risk assessment to R&D testing and pricing and promotions. While, overall, about half of reported gen AI applications within business functions are utilizing publicly available models or tools, gen AI high performers are less likely to use those off-the-shelf options than to either implement significantly customized versions of those tools or to develop their own proprietary foundation models.
What else are these high performers doing differently? For one thing, they are paying more attention to gen-AI-related risks. Perhaps because they are further along on their journeys, they are more likely than others to say their organizations have experienced every negative consequence from gen AI we asked about, from cybersecurity and personal privacy to explainability and IP infringement. Given that, they are more likely than others to report that their organizations consider those risks, as well as regulatory compliance, environmental impacts, and political stability, to be relevant to their gen AI use, and they say they take steps to mitigate more risks than others do.
Gen AI high performers are also much more likely to say their organizations follow a set of risk-related best practices (Exhibit 11). For example, they are nearly twice as likely as others to involve the legal function and embed risk reviews early on in the development of gen AI solutions—that is, to “ shift left .” They’re also much more likely than others to employ a wide range of other best practices, from strategy-related practices to those related to scaling.
In addition to experiencing the risks of gen AI adoption, high performers have encountered other challenges that can serve as warnings to others (Exhibit 12). Seventy percent say they have experienced difficulties with data, including defining processes for data governance, developing the ability to quickly integrate data into AI models, and an insufficient amount of training data, highlighting the essential role that data play in capturing value. High performers are also more likely than others to report experiencing challenges with their operating models, such as implementing agile ways of working and effective sprint performance management.
The online survey was in the field from February 22 to March 5, 2024, and garnered responses from 1,363 participants representing the full range of regions, industries, company sizes, functional specialties, and tenures. Of those respondents, 981 said their organizations had adopted AI in at least one business function, and 878 said their organizations were regularly using gen AI in at least one function. To adjust for differences in response rates, the data are weighted by the contribution of each respondent’s nation to global GDP.
Alex Singla and Alexander Sukharevsky are global coleaders of QuantumBlack, AI by McKinsey, and senior partners in McKinsey’s Chicago and London offices, respectively; Lareina Yee is a senior partner in the Bay Area office, where Michael Chui , a McKinsey Global Institute partner, is a partner; and Bryce Hall is an associate partner in the Washington, DC, office.
They wish to thank Kaitlin Noe, Larry Kanter, Mallika Jhamb, and Shinjini Srivastava for their contributions to this work.
This article was edited by Heather Hanselman, a senior editor in McKinsey’s Atlanta office.
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The third human case of H5N1, reported on Thursday in a farmworker in Michigan who was experiencing respiratory symptoms, tells us that the current bird flu situation is at a dangerous inflection point.
The virus is adapting in predictable ways that increase its risk to humans, reflecting our failure to contain it early on. The solutions to this brewing crisis — such as comprehensive testing — have been there all along, and they’re becoming only more important. If we keep ignoring the warning signs we have only ourselves to blame.
H5N1 has long been more than a bird problem. The virus has found its way into dairy cattle across nine states , affecting 69 herds that we know about. Of the three human cases of H5N1 that have been identified, all involve farmworkers who were in direct contact with infected cows or milk. The first two cases were relatively mild, involving symptoms like eye irritation, or conjunctivitis. However, the most recent case has shown more concerning signs, including coughing.
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New symptoms should be expected as the virus continues to spread and adapt to humans. Yet our response to this looming danger has been woefully inadequate, particularly in the area of testing.
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