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For US Latinos, Identity Is Complex and Varied

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There is no single, all-encompassing term that fully captures what it means to be Latino in the United States

T he ways in which the nation’s sixty million Latinos (or Hispanics or Latinx) describe their identity varies widely across individuals, geographies, immigrant generations, ancestry, and much more. Yet the population is often referred to by a single, pan-ethnic term that implies it is a monolithic group. That masks much of the diversity that characterizes US Latinos.

What is a pan-ethnic term? Hispanic , Latino , and Latinx are currently the ones more commonly used by people living in the US who self-identify as part of this group. Each is intended to capture, under one umbrella, a diverse population. And each emerged at different times and with different purposes, reflecting then popular views of identity to describe Americans who trace their roots to Latin America or Spain. For example, Hispanic emerged as the most used term in the 1970s as civil rights leaders and government officials sought to count the population. Latino/Latina/Latina/o/Latin@ emerged in the 1990s as an alternative to Hispanic, notably as a term that did not come from the US government (even if Latino became an officially recognized term in the late 1990s). Both terms remain in wide use by researchers, journalists, government officials, and the public itself. More recently, a new pan-ethnic term has emerged: Latinx. It is a gender-neutral term and reflects the broader movement of inclusivity that has emerged in recent years in the US.

Despite ongoing debates about which term is better or even the right one to use, more than fifteen years of Pew Research Center Latino surveys show somewhat mixed preferences among the public when it comes to using or not using these pan-ethnic terms. For example, while most have used Hispanic or Latino at one point or another to describe themselves, half in 2018 told us they have no preference for either term. If one is preferred, it is Hispanic over Latino by a two-to-one margin, a pattern that has persisted for more than fifteen years of surveys of the US Hispanic adult population.

Instead, it is family country of origin that matters more than pan-ethnic terms. In 2015, we found that more than half said they most often described themselves by terms like Mexican or Cubana or Puerto Rican or Salvadoreño —i.e., the countries where their ancestors are from. This is more likely to be true among immigrant Hispanics (which makes sense given that is where they are from), but also is true among many US-born Hispanics. Even so, later US-born generations of Hispanics are more likely than immigrant Hispanics to say they most often call themselves American, highlighting changes underway within the Hispanic population as the US born drive the group’s population growth and make up a growing share of all Hispanics (just one-third are immigrants today).

There are many other dimensions to Latino identity. For example, in 2014, one-quarter of Latino adults told us they are Afro-Latino, with those of Dominican and Puerto Rican background making up a large part of the group. And one-quarter of Latino adults are of indigenous roots such as Native American, Mayan, Aymara, Quechua, or Taino. And at least 28 percent say they are mestizo, mestiza, mulatto, or mulatta.

Latinos look at their identity in other ways too. For example, what does it take to be considered Latino by others? In 2015, we asked whether one needs to speak Spanish to be considered Latino—three-quarters say no. What about having a Spanish surname? Eight-in-ten say no. Even among immigrants, majorities agree that one doesn’t need to speak Spanish or have a Spanish surname to be considered Latino in the US.

Looked at another way, do US Latinos see a common culture among themselves or a diverse one? In 2011, 70 percent said US Latinos have many different cultures while just a quarter said they share a common culture.

For some, identity is much more than just about their Hispanic background and that’s important to remember. Some may see themselves as Californians first or as part of Gen Z or as a Catholic first and foremost.

Looking ahead, big demographic trends are reshaping the nation’s Hispanic population. Immigration from Latin America, while up recently, is significantly below highs seen in the late 1990s and early 2000s. As a result, the foreign-born share among Hispanics is falling. At the same time, the group’s population growth rate is slowing as fertility rates fall. And finally, intermarriage rates remain higher for Hispanics than either whites or blacks (Asians intermarry at a higher rate, though)—since at least 1980, one-quarter of Hispanic newlyweds marry a non-Hispanic. In the US today, the single most common intermarried couples are ones where a Hispanic spouse is married to a white spouse accounting for 43 percent of the total.

All these changes may have implications for how the group sees its identity in the future, or if they even identify as Latino. And just as terms have evolved over the decades, it remains to be seen what terms future Latinos will use to describe themselves and their identity.

Mark Hugo Lopez is the director of global migration and demography research at the Pew Research Center.

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Being Latina and the struggle of the dualities of two worlds

Reflections on why our identities can help create a better world for all of us.

A few days ago, I attended a Zoom presentation organized by ASUN entitled “What does it mean to be Latinx?” Every time I witness the complexity of identities in the Latinx community in the United States, I am amazed. Amazed that we are always perceived as a homogenous group, when in reality, we couldn’t come from more different backgrounds, and we couldn’t have more different and complex identities. Also, the challenges we face are as different as each of our stories. So, in the spirit of Hispanic Heritage Month, please indulge me in letting me tell you my story.

There is a well-known character in Mexican history that invokes both love and condemnation from most Mexicans. Her name was Malintzin but history knows her as La Malinche . Her story is similar to that of U.S.A.’s Pocahontas ; the beautiful indigenous woman who abandons her tribe to help the white man. (The legends omit how she became the property of such White men, but that’s another story). 

La Malinche was a Nahúatl woman who was given to Hernán Cortés as a slave. Due to her upperclass education, she spoke two languages, an ability that made her very useful to Hernán Cortés in communicating with the indigenous people as he went about conquering Mexico. On one hand, she was intelligent and, clearly, resilient. But on the other hand, she helped Cortés begin the Spanish colonization of the Nuevo Mundo. This duality is what gives her such a complex identity. And this duality is one that follows me.

When I was in high school, several of my classmates would sometimes call me Malinchista . As you can imagine, that was NOT a compliment. By definition, a Malinchista is “a person who denies her own cultural heritage by preferring foreign cultural expressions” (I’m not making it up; look it up).

In my early teens, I discovered American football. While switching channels on the television, I stumbled across a game being played in several feet of snow. I had never seen this! The game was being played in Minnesota. That year, the Dallas Cowboys won the Super Bowl, and I became a die-hard fan of Roger Staubach and “America’s Team.” This marked the initiation of my love for all things American. I learned about Formula 1, Sports Illustrated and Tiger Beat. Yes, Tiger Beat introduced me to the American darlings of my generation. My bedroom walls were covered with pictures of American teen idols I had never seen before in my life (in the 1970s, Mexican TV programming didn’t broadcast many American TV shows; I only remember Dallas and The Partridge Family , which of course, I loved).

I also loved English-language songs. I used to spend my money buying cancioneros , books similar in format and quality to comic books, for people who were learning to play the guitar. The cancioneros had the lyrics of the songs along with the music notes. I literally used these cancioneros to practice my English. I would translate each word of the songs, and then I would play the records over and over until I memorized the lyrics and could actually follow the singer pronouncing the words. Do you know how hard it is to sing at full speed: “Now they know how many holes it takes to fill the Albert Hall?”

By the time I was in college, I had already spent time in the city of Dallas (and yes, I made the pilgrimage to Irving, Texas and the Cowboys’ stadium) – and perfected my English. I started studying English when I entered first grade. By middle school, my parents were paying a private tutor. In Mexico, English was accepted as the lingua franca needed to succeed in the world, and my parents were going to make sure I learned it. (My dad had taught himself English, and he shared my enthusiasm for English language magazines, although not for the Dallas Cowboys.) Learning a second language allowed me to learn about, navigate and integrate into a different culture. And, unlike La Malinche , I did this of my own volition.

When I made the decision to come to the United States to study, my father told me, “If you ever decide this is not for you or things don’t work out, come back home.” But I was not turning back. In my mind, America was the best place in the whole world (my small world, at least). I had spent a semester in an exchange program at the University of Oklahoma, and I knew back then I belonged in the United States. One of the things that caught my attention early on was the fact that people could wear their pajamas to class (I know you’ve seen it), and nobody blinked an eye. One could wear her hair in blue spikes or wear slippers to the grocery store, and no one would say a thing. To me, that was amazing! People didn’t bother you, judge you or care what you wore. I felt America was the place where not only public services worked, but where you could be yourself and you could be free to be whomever you wanted to be. There was a sense of freedom that was refreshing.

However, for a long time I felt like I didn’t belong here, and I didn’t belong in Mexico, either. Navigating two worlds was not precisely difficult  but sometimes unsettling . You spend your time “live switching” from English to Spanish to Spanglish and back again. You mix Cholula with Five Guys hamburgers. You watch American soccer but listen to the Mexican commentators (otherwise it’s like listening to golf announcers). And you truly think Mexican soccer fans are like the old Oakland Raiders fans, only worse. Women in Mexico are as rabid fans as many men, but, at least back in my day (I feel ancient now), you didn’t see many women go to the stadiums. As a woman, I never felt safe. I only went to a match if my male friends went with me. This is one of the most striking differences between the U.S. and Mexico: American soccer fans are so mild-mannered in comparison!

Another striking difference I noticed when I first came to the U.S. was that I was not getting cat calls out when I was out walking in the streets. In Mexico, everywhere I went (since I was a preteen, for goodness’ sake), I would be subjected to cat calls and whistles – and the harassment only got worse the older I got. My experience as a woman was of always being on high alert. But when I came to the U.S., I felt respected. I could exist without being harassed continually. Women here seemed to have a voice and the same opportunities as men to grow and pursue their dreams. I felt free to pursue a career and to not be expected to only dream of marrying and having children. Although, over the years, I’ve come to realize there still is much room for improvement.

Back in the 1500s La Malinche did what she could to survive (did I say historians think she died before she was 30?). History asked her to do a task she didn’t want, and she did her best. I am sure she considered her options and bought time, respect and the right to live in the best way she could. She used her skills to earn a place in history, and although her role continues to be debated, I cannot blame her. Did I turn my back on my country? Or did I look for a better life? My circle of Latina friends in the U.S. is full of intelligent, professional women who left their countries and built a better life ­– a different life – here in the United States. They all miss their families, and they all support their biological families in many ways. What they can do from here, however, is more than they could have done had they stayed in their countries of origin.

Being Latina in America is both an honor and a challenge. We struggle with the dualities of our worlds. We struggle with the adjectives that define us. We are a complex mix of races, traditions and experiences. We care for our people, and we work tirelessly to do what must be done to help each other. The complexity of our identities can help us create a better world for all of us, a world where our differences are not viewed as a threat but as an asset. A world where we all thrive. ¡Sí, se puede!

By: Claudia Ortega-Lukas Graphic Designer & Communications Professional

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Personal and Cultural Identity Development in Recently Immigrated Hispanic Adolescents: Links with Psychosocial Functioning

1 University of Miami

Raha F. Sabet

Colleen m. farrelly, cynthia g. benitez.

2 Florida International University

Seth J. Schwartz

Melinda gonzales-backen.

3 Florida State University

Elma I. Lorenzo-Blanco

4 University of South Carolina

Jennifer B. Unger

5 University of Southern California

Byron L. Zamboanga

6 Smith College

Lourdes Baezconde-Garbanati

Simona picariello.

7 University of Napole

Sabrina E. Des Rosiers

Daniel w. soto, monica pattarroyo, juan a. villamar.

9 Northwestern University

Karina M. Lizzi

10 University of Michigan

This study examined directionality between personal (i.e., coherence and confusion) and cultural identity (i.e., ethnic and US) as well as their additive effects on psychosocial functioning in a sample of recently immigrated Hispanic adolescents.

The sample consisted of 302 recent (<5 years) immigrant Hispanic adolescents (53% boys; M age = 14.51 years at baseline; SD = .88 years) from Miami and Los Angeles who participated in a longitudinal study.

Results indicated a bidirectional relationship between personal identity coherence and both ethnic and US identity. Ethnic and US Affirmation/Commitment (A/C) positively and indirectly predicted optimism and negatively predicted rule breaking and aggression through coherence. However, confusion predicted lower self-esteem and optimism and higher depressive symptoms, rule breaking, unprotected sex, and cigarette use. Results further indicated significant site differences. In Los Angeles (but not Miami), ethnic A/C also negatively predicted confusion.

Given the direct effects of coherence and confusion on nearly every outcome, it may be beneficial for interventions to target personal identity. However, in contexts such as Los Angeles, which has at least some ambivalence towards recently immigrated Hispanic adolescents, it may be more beneficial for interventions to also target cultural identity to reduce confusion and thus promote positive development.

Identity development is a key developmental task of adolescence and emerging adulthood ( Kroger, 2007 ). Developing a coherent sense of self helps to support a consistent set of choices in career aspirations ( Côté, 2002 ) and romantic relationships ( Beyers & Seiffge-Krenke, 2010 ). Moreover, individuals with an internally consistent sense of identity report higher self-esteem, lower internalizing symptoms, and are less likely to engage in risk-taking behaviors compared to individuals with less coherent identities ( Crocetti et al., 2014 ). For adolescents from immigrant and ethnic/racial minority backgrounds, identity development can be more complex compared to United States (US) born, ethnic majority youth ( Azmitia, Syed, & Radmacher, 2008 ; Syed & Mitchell, 2013 ). In addition to developing a general sense of personal identity, which is a normative developmental task for all adolescents, immigrant and ethnic/racial minority adolescents are also tasked with navigating multiple cultural reference points. As a result, these adolescents are confronted with the task of developing a cultural identity – an understanding of what their ethnic/racial group and membership in the larger nation mean to them.

Although personal and cultural identity are among the most commonly studied identity components, the interplay and directionality between personal and cultural identity remains understudied ( Schwartz et al., 2013 ; Syed & Juang, 2014 ). To address this gap in the literature, in the current study we sought to examine directionality between personal and cultural identity, as well as their effects on psychosocial functioning. Additionally, we examined whether these processes differ across two contexts of receptions (Miami and Los Angeles) in a sample of recently immigrated Hispanic adolescents. We focus on Hispanic immigrant adolescents for four reasons. First, Hispanics are among the largest and fastest growing minority groups in the US ( Ennis, Ríos-Vargas, & Albert, 2011 ). Second, as immigrants and ethnic minorities, recently immigrated Hispanic adolescents face the additional task of developing a cultural identity, on top of the normative task of developing a personal identity ( Schwartz, Montgomery, & Briones, 2006 ). Third, recently immigrated Hispanic adolescents are likely to experience cultural stressors which may complicate cultural identity development ( Rumbaut, 2008 ) and the development of a coherent personal identity. Finally, our focus on Hispanic adolescents is driven by a growing body of research indicating significant health disparities. Indeed, research indicates that Hispanic adolescents are more likely than other ethnic groups to use drugs and alcohol ( Johnston, O’Malley, Bachman, & Schulenberg, 2014 ), smoke cigarettes ( Kann et al., 2014 ), and report depressive symptoms ( McLaughlin, Hilt, & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2007 ). As a result, more developmentally informed prevention research is needed that focuses on identifying mechanisms underlying Hispanic adolescents’ psychosocial functioning ( Umaña-Taylor, 2011 ).

Personal and cultural identity have inspired separate literatures ( Syed & Juang, 2014 ). Personal identity focuses on the set of goals, values, and beliefs that an individual has developed and/or internalized ( Waterman, 1999 ). Personal identity therefore represents the answer to the question “Who am I?” Cultural identity, on the other hand, refers to how individuals define themselves in relation to the cultural groups to which they belong ( Schwartz et al., 2006 ), and therefore more closely represents the answer to the question “who am I as a member of my group?” ( Schwartz, Zamboanga, & Weisskirch, 2008 ). Although personal identity is salient for most young people, who must decide who they want to be and what to do with their lives ( Côté & Levine, 2002 ), cultural identity is most salient for immigrants and ethnic minorities youth ( Phinney & Ong, 2007 ). To provide a more complete conceptualization of personal and cultural identity, we provide a brief review of both these identity domains and the underlying theoretical perspectives.

Personal identity

Much of the literature on personal identity traces its roots to Erikson’s (1950) model of psychosocial development. According to Erikson (1950) , identity develops in a dynamic manner involving coherence and confusion. Coherence refers to a sense of who one is and where one is going in life, whereas confusion signifies an inability to enact and maintain lasting commitments and a lack of a clear sense of purpose and direction. Although these two dimensions are negatively related, they are not complete opposites. People can show coherence in some domains and confusion in others ( Schwartz, Zamboanga, Wang, & Olthuis, 2009b ). We focus on coherence and confusion for two primary reasons. First, coherence and confusion refer to the overall sense of where a person is with respect to her/his personal identity development ( Schwartz, Luyckx, & Crocetti, 2014b ). Second, coherence and confusion uniquely and significantly predict positive and negative psychosocial functioning (e.g., Syed et al., 2013 ). Therefore, we rely on personal identity coherence and confusion (hereby referred to as coherence and confusion) as indices of personal identity in the present study.

Cultural identity

Although the operationalization of cultural identity has varied in the literature, the current study focused on e thnic and US identity , two components particularly salient for recent immigrants in the US ( Phinney & Ong, 2007 ). Broadly, ethnic and US identity can each be represented as multidimensional psychological constructs that reflect individuals’ beliefs and attitudes about their ethnic and national group membership as well as the process by which these beliefs and attitudes develop over time ( Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014 ). In this study, we focus on the process by which individuals consider the subjective meaning of their ethnic group or membership in the larger US society, and develop emotional attachments to both of these cultural groups ( Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014 ). Process models ( Phinney, 1990 ; Schwartz et al., 2012 ) have drawn largely on Erikson’s (1950) work and on social identity theory ( Tajfel & Turner, 1986 ), positing exploration (i.e., considering what it means to belong to a particular cultural group), commitment (i.e., making a decision regarding the subjective meaning of one’s cultural group membership), and affirmation (i.e., positive/negative feelings about one’s cultural group membership) as underlying processes.

Most cultural identity research has focused on ethnic identity. Among Hispanics, studies have generally found ethnic identity affirmation and commitment to be positively and negatively associated, respectively, with adaptive and maladaptive psychosocial functioning. However, as reviewed by Rivas-Drake et al. (2014) and Umaña-Taylor (2011) , these relationships have not emerged consistently across studies. One potential explanation for this inconsistency is the reliance on ethnic identity as the sole indicator of cultural identity. Because the development of an integrated sense of self and identity incorporates elements from one’s ethnic group and the US ( Berry, 1997 ), it is essential for researchers to evaluate the joint effects of ethnic and US identifications on psychosocial functioning—particularly among recently immigrated adolescents.

In this study, to facilitate appropriate comparisons between personal and cultural identity, drawing on social identity theory ( Tajfel & Turner, 1986 ), we focused on the ethnic and US affirmation and commitment. Specifically, whereas coherence is strongly related to self-concept clarity ( Schwartz et al., 2011 ), commitment and affirmation are conceptually similar to “cultural identity clarity,” or a sense of belonging (commitment) and solidarity (affirmation) with one’s cultural group(s) ( Usborne & Taylor, 2010 ). Thus, cultural commitment and affirmation represent key components of a consolidated sense of ethnic and US identity ( Schwartz et al., 2013 ). Although commitment and affirmation represent distinct yet related cultural identity processes (Umana-Taylor, Yazedjian, & Bamaca-Gomez, 2004), within the current sample, these subscales were highly correlated ( r > .90). As a result, in the current study, we employed ethnic affirmation/commitment (A/C) and US A/C as indicators of a consolidated sense of ethnic and US identity, respectively.

The Interplay between Personal and Cultural Identity

Although empirical evidence suggests that personal and cultural identity are positively associated with well-being and inversely associated with internalizing and externalizing symptoms ( Crocetti et al., 2014 ; Rivas-Drake et al., 2014 ), the ways in which these variables work together are not well understood ( Schwartz et al., 2013 ). It is possible that the additional task of developing a cultural identity might make the development of a personal identity more difficult. However, given the theoretical links between personal and social identity, it is likely that personal and cultural identity (where cultural identity may be considered as a dimension of social identity) may be reciprocally connected ( Schwartz et al., 2008 ). Indeed, some aspects of personal identity are assigned, informed, constrained, or internalized based on group memberships ( Bosma & Kunnen, 2001 ; Hitlin, 2003 ). Moreover, personal goals, values, and beliefs can be influenced by cultural orientation ( Triandis, 1995 ). For example, highly collectivistic values may lead to internalization of goals from close social networks (e.g., family, close friends, etc.), whereas individualistic values may lead to independent establishment of personal goals. In the other direction, a coherent personal identity provides individuals with a sense of structure within which to understand self-relevant information ( Adams & Marshall, 1996 ) and thus shapes how individuals negotiate with the social environment and the opportunities they choose to pursue ( Côté, 2002 ).

Although several studies have found significant and positive associations between ethnic and personal identity among adolescents (e.g., Branch, Tayal, & Triplett, 2000 ; Miville, Darlington, Whitlock, & Mulligan, 2005 ), most have been cross-sectional. Moreover, only a handful of these studies have examined the relationship of personal and cultural identity with psychosocial functioning (e.g., Schwartz, Zamboanga, Weisskirch, & Wang, 2010 ; Usborne & Taylor, 2010 ). Both Schwartz et al. (2010) and Usborne and Taylor (2010) found support for the idea that that cultural identity is indirectly associated with psychosocial functioning through personal identity. However, the cross-sectional nature of these and earlier studies has made it difficult to establish directionality ( Maxwell & Cole, 2007 ), which is critical for determining strategic points of intervention. For example, if personal identity predicts psychosocial functioning by bolstering cultural identity, then interventions might focus on promoting cultural identity to prevent negative outcomes. On the other hand, if cultural identity predicts psychosocial functioning by bolstering personal identity, then interventions might focus on promoting personal identity instead. However, if the relationship between personal and cultural identity is bidirectional, then interventions should focus on both personal and cultural identity as a means to prevent negative outcomes.

Because identity emerges within the opportunities and constraints provided by sociocultural factors ( Côté & Levine, 2002 ; Umana-Taylor et al., 2014), it is important to determine whether identity processes work similarly across cultural contexts. In the current study, we explored the directional relationship between personal and cultural identity across two sites: Miami and Los Angeles. Miami is a thriving metropolis as a result of the influx of Cuban migration ( Portes & Stepick, 1994 ), aided by a law that allows them to become legal US residents immediately upon arrival ( Stepick & Stepick, 2002 ). Miami is also a highly bicultural city where Hispanics are the majority of the population (65%; US Census Bureau, 2011 ) and hold many positions of political and economic power ( Stepick, Grenier, Castro, & Dunn, 2003 ). In contrast, although Los Angeles has been home to a large Mexican population for several decades, the majority of city officials and leaders have been White ( Hayes-Bautista, 2004 ; Light, 2006 ). Indeed, studies using the current dataset indicate that recently immigrated Hispanics in Los Angeles encounter higher perceived discrimination and negative context of reception than their Miami counterparts ( Schwartz et al., 2015 ).

In the present study, we used data from a longitudinal study of acculturation among recently arrived Hispanic immigrant families from Miami and Los Angeles, to achieve three primary aims: (1) examine the directionality between personal (coherence and confusion) and cultural (ethnic and US) identity, (2) evaluate the effects of personal and cultural identity on psychosocial functioning and health outcomes, and (3) examine the moderating role of site. For the first aim, we anticipated a bidirectional relationship between personal and cultural identity. For the second aim, although these processes may operate on psychosocial functioning in complex ways, prior cross-sectional research has suggested that personal identity predicts psychosocial functioning more strongly than cultural identity does and may even mediate the relationship between cultural identity and psychosocial functioning ( Schwartz et al., 2010 ; Usborne & Taylor, 2010 ). As a result, we hypothesized that: (2a) coherence and confusion would positively predict positive psychosocial functioning and negatively predict negative psychosocial functioning and health risk behaviors more strongly than ethnic and US identity would; and (2b) cultural identity would predict outcomes indirectly through personal identity. Finally, with regard to Aim 3, given the fact that discriminatory events can activate cultural identities and render them more salient ( Rumbaut, 2008 ) and the protective role of ethnic identity vis-à-vis the negative experiences associated with discrimination ( Umaña-Taylor, 2011 ), we hypothesized that cultural identity would predict psychosocial functioning and health risk behaviors more strongly for adolescents in Los Angeles versus Miami.

Data came from a six-wave longitudinal study on acculturation, identity, family functioning, and health among recent Hispanic immigrant families ( Schwartz et al., 2014c ). The sample included 302 recent-immigrant Hispanic adolescents (53% boys; M age =14.51 years at baseline; SD =.88 years, range 14–17 years). Eighty-five percent of the sample was retained across the four waves. The Miami sample ( n =152) was primarily from Cuba (61%), the Dominican Republic (8%), Nicaragua (7%), Honduras (6%), Colombia (6%), and other Hispanic countries (12%); and the Los Angeles sample ( n =150) was primarily from Mexico (70%), El Salvador (9%), Guatemala (6%), and other Hispanic countries (15%).

Baseline data were gathered during the summer and fall of 2010, and subsequent time points occurred every six months thereafter. Participants were recruited from randomly selected public high schools whose student bodies were at least 75% Hispanic. The study was approved by the Institutional Review Boards at both participating universities and by the Research Review Committees for the participating school districts. Each participant completed the assessment in English or Spanish, depending on her/his preference. Although 84% of adolescents completed their baseline assessments in Spanish, this percentage decreased to 66% by Time 4.

Unless otherwise specified, 5-point Likert scales were used for all study measures, with response options ranging from 1 ( Strongly Disagree ) to 5 ( Strongly Agree ). Alpha coefficients presented are from the current sample across relevant time points and for both English and Spanish versions. All measures were administered at each time pointed and developed using a two-step translation process ( Sireci, Wang, Harter, & Ehrlich, 2006 ) whereby measures are translated by one translator from English to Spanish, back-translated by a second translator (Spanish to English), and then evaluated by both translators to resolve discrepancies.

Coherence and confusion

The 12-item identity subscale from the Erikson Psychosocial Stage Inventory (EPSI; Rosenthal, Gurney, & Moore, 1981 ) was used to assess coherence and confusion. Six items are worded in a “positive” direction towards coherence (α=.69–.87; Sample item: “I know what kind of person I am”), and 6 items are worded in a “negative” direction towards confusion (α=.62–.77; Sample item: “I don’t really know who I am”). Prior analyses have not only established the validity of the measure in Spanish ( Schwartz et al., 2014a ) but also supported the two-factor structure, even after controlling for potential methodological effects of item wording ( Schwartz et al., 2009b ).

Ethnic and US identity A/C

Ethnic A/C was assessed by combining the 4-item commitment and 3-item affirmation subscales from the Multi-Group Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM; Roberts et al., 1999 ; α=.84–.93; Sample item: “I feel good about my cultural or ethnic background’). US A/C was assessed using matching items from the American Identity Measure (AIM; Schwartz et al., 2012 ; α= 87–.90; Sample item: “I am happy that I am an American”), again combining the commitment and affirmation subscales. The AIM was adapted from the MEIM, with “the United States” inserted in place of “my ethnic group.” Prior findings have established the validity of both the AIM and MEIM in Spanish ( Schwartz et al., 2014a ).

Positive psychosocial functioning

We assessed this construct in terms of self-esteem and optimism. The 10-item Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES; Coopersmith, 1981 ) was used to measure self-esteem (α=.72–.84; Sample item: “On the whole, I am happy with myself”). This measure has been used widely with Spanish-speaking samples ( Schmitt & Allik, 2005 ). The 6-item Children’s Hope Scale (CHS; Edwards, Ong, & Lopez, 2007 ) was used to measure optimism (α=.87–.95; Sample item: “I think I am doing pretty well”). This measure was designed specifically for use with Hispanics.

Negative psychosocial functioning

We assessed this construct in terms of depressive symptoms, rule breaking, and physical aggression. The 20-item Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale (CES-D; Radloff, 1977 ) assessed adolescents’ depressive symptoms (α=.81–.89, sample item: “I felt sad this week”). Items are rated on a 4-point scale ranging from 1 ( Seldom ) to 4 ( Most of the Time ) and ask participants how often they experienced various depressive symptoms during the week prior to assessment. The CES-D has been translated into Spanish and used frequently with Hispanic individuals (e.g., Todorova, Falcón, Lincoln, & Price, 2010 ). The Youth Self-Report (YSR; Achenbach, Newhouse, & Rescorla, 2004 ) was used to assess adolescents’ aggressive (17 items, α=.87–.93, sample item: “I physically attack people”) and rule breaking (15 items, α=.87–.92, sample item: “I lie or cheat”) behaviors. Response choices ranged from 0 ( Not true ) to 2 ( often or very true ). The YSR has been validated with Spanish-speaking adolescents ( Lopez et al., 2008 ).

Health risk behaviors

Cigarette and alcohol use were assessed using a modified version of the Monitoring the Future survey ( Johnston, O’Malley, Bachman, & Schulenberg, 2014 ). Adolescents were asked about frequency of cigarette and alcohol use 90 days prior to each assessment point. Following Jemmott, Jemmott, and Fong (1998) , we asked adolescents how often they have had vaginal or anal sex without using a condom during the past 90 days. The scale ranged from 0 ( Never ) to 4 ( Always ). Because of low base rates, we dichotomized the responses to create binary variables for alcohol use (use vs. nonuse), cigarette use (use vs. nonuse), and unprotected sex (abstinence/condom vs. sex without a condom) at Time 4.

Statistical Analyses

Analyses were conducted in Mplus v7.2 ( Muthén & Muthén, 1998–2012 ) using a sandwich covariance estimator ( Kauermann & Carroll, 2001 ) to adjust the standard errors and account for nesting of participants within schools. Missing data were handled using full-information maximum likelihood estimation. Model fit was evaluated using the comparative fit index (CFI), the root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA), and the standardized root mean square residual (SRMR). According to values suggested by Little (2013) , good fit is represented as CFI≥.95, RMSEA≤.06, and SRMR≤.06 1 . The analytic process proceeded in five steps. Across all steps, we controlled for age, gender, and years in the US. First, we calculated descriptive statistics and a correlation matrix for all study variables.

Second, to establish directionality of effects, we fit a model to the first three waves of data, such that cross-lagged paths from Times 1 to 2 and Times 2 to 3 were included between personal and cultural identity indicators (see Figure 1a ). Directional paths between personal and cultural identity were estimated from Times 1 to 2 (paths A1 and B1) and Times 2 to 3 (paths A2 and B2) as a way to examine replicability of the findings. Additionally, we allowed directional paths between indicators within each domain (e.g., coherence → confusion, US A/C → ethnic A/C). Moreover, to statistically ensure that any directional effects could be replicated, we explored stationarity, or non-varying cross-lagged paths across time ( Allison, 1990 ). This was done by imposing equality constraints on corresponding cross-lagged relationships from Times 1–2 and Times 2–3, such that path A1 was constrained to be equal to A2, and B1 constrained to be equal to B2 (see Figure 1b ). For example, the path estimate between coherence at Time 1 ( t ) and ethnic A/C at Time 2 ( t +1) was constrained to be equal to the path estimate between coherence at Time 2 ( t ) and ethnic A/C at Time 3 ( t +1), producing one set of lagged path estimates corresponding to Time t and Time t +1 (paths A and B). To evaluate the tenability of these stationarity constraints, we compared the fit of models with and without these constraints using the ΔCFI (>.010) and ΔRMSEA (>.010) criteria to determine whether the stationarity assumption should be statistically rejected ( Little, 2013 ) 2 .

Overview of Stationarity Constraints

To examine how these relationships may influence later positive development and risk behaviors, as part of Step 3, Time 4 outcome variables were added to the stationarity model, predicted by Time 3 personal and cultural identity processes (i.e., Personal/Cultural Identity Time 1–(paths A/B)→ Personal/Cultural Identity Time 2 –(paths A/B)→ Personal/Cultural Identity Time 3 –(path C)→ Outcomes Time 4). For each Time 4 outcome variable, Time 1 levels of that variable were controlled. In Step 4, we examined whether Time 3 cultural identity mediated the effect of invariant Time 1 and 2 personal identity on Time 4 outcome variables, and/or whether Time 3 personal identity mediated the effect of invariant Time 1 and 2 cultural identity on Time 4 outcome variables. Finally, in Step 5, we tested for significant site differences.

Step 1: Descriptive Statistics

Table 1 provides means and standard deviations or frequencies for categorical outcomes and a zero-order correlation matrix for identity processes at T3 and outcomes at T4.

Descriptive Statistics and Bivariate Correlations between Time 3 Identity Processes and Time 4 Outcomes

Notes. Bivariate correlations for the Miami site are presented above the diagonal while the bivariate correlations for Los Angeles are provided below the diagonal.

Step 2: The Interplay between Personal and Cultural Identity

The cross-lagged model provided a poor fit to the data: χ 2 (25)=101.075, p <.001; CFI=.890; RMSEA=.100; SRMR=.046. Modification indices indicated that we should allow coherence and ethnic A/C to covary at Times 1, 2, and 3. Upon adding these covariances, the model provided good fit: χ 2 (24)=4.146, p <.001; CFI=.968; RMSEA=.065 SRMR=.032. Building on this model, we imposed stationarity constraints on the cross-lagged relationships between personal and cultural identity indices. Invariance tests suggested that the stationary assumption could be retained, Δχ 2 (16)=25.565, p =.060; ΔCFI=.010; ΔRMSEA=.007. Given these stationarity constraints, the findings can be simplified to comparing the cross-lagged path coefficients between Times t and t +1. As shown in Table 2 , coherence at Time t significantly predicted both ethnic and US A/C at Time t +1. Additionally, both ethnic and US A/C at Time t predicted coherence at Time t +1. However, confusion did not predict, and was not predicted by, any of the other identity variables. There were no significant predictive relationships between ethnic and US A/C.

Cross-Lagged Paths for Constrained Directionality Model

Notes . All estimates are standardized regression coefficients.

To compare these path coefficients formally, we conducted four sets of invariance tests (e.g., coherence = ethnic A/C, confusion = US A/C). We compared the stationarity model to a model where the path coefficient for identity process A at Time t predicting identity process B at Time t +1 was constrained equal to the path coefficient for identity process B at Time t predicting identity process A at Time t +1. The results indicated a significant decline in model fit for ethnic A/C and coherence [Δχ 2 (1)=19.99, p <.001; ΔCFI=.030; ΔRMSEA=.015] and U.S. identity A/C and coherence [Δχ 2 (1)=7.61, p =.005; ΔCFI=.013; ΔRMSEA=.007] suggesting that the predictive effects of coherence on ethnic and US A/C were significantly stronger than vice versa.

Step 3: Effects of Personal and Cultural Identity on Psychosocial Functioning

Addressing the second hypothesis, and building on the cross-lagged model, we then included Time 4 outcomes, with controls for Time 1, in the model to evaluate the effects of Time 3 personal and cultural identity variables on psychosocial functioning. Because modeling categorical outcomes in MLR does not produce fit indices ( Muthén & Muthén, 1998–2012 ), we first estimated the model without the dichotomous health risk outcomes to ascertain model fit. This model provided acceptable to good fit: χ 2 (140)=232.831, p <.001; CFI=.935; RMSEA=.048; SRMR=.055. We then added the categorical outcomes. Standardized path estimates for continuous variables, and odds ratios for categorical outcome variables, are displayed in Table 3 . Additionally, Figure 2 presents significant directional paths within the model. Results indicated that coherence positively predicted optimism and negatively predicted rule breaking and aggression. On the other hand, confusion positively predicted depressive symptoms, rule breaking, unprotected sex, and alcohol use and negatively predicted self-esteem and optimism. With regard to cultural identity, US A/C negatively predicted depressive symptoms; however, ethnic A/C did not significantly predict any outcomes.

Note . With the exception of categorical outcomes (i.e., cigarette use, alcohol use, and unprotected sex), which are Odds Ratio, all estimates are standardized regression coefficients. Parameter values from Time 1 to Time 2 and Time 2 to Time 3 are identical as a result of the stationarity constraints imposed in Step 1. For simplicity we have excluded 1) the autoregressive paths and 2) Time 1 controls.

Effects of Personal and Cultural Identity on Psychosocial Functioning

Notes. Autoregressive paths not displayed. All estimates are standardized regression coefficients.

Step 4: Mediated effects of personal and cultural identity on psychosocial functioning

On the fourth step, we examined two sets of mediated pathways: (1) invariant Time 1 and 2 Personal Identity → Time 3 Cultural Identity → Time 4 psychosocial functioning, and (2) invariant Time 1 and 2 Cultural Identity → Time 3 Personal Identity → Time 4 psychosocial functioning. Using the RMediation package ( Tofighi & MacKinnon, 2011 ), we evaluated indirect effects of personal and cultural identity on outcome variables. All indirect effects were included in a single model to avoid Type I error inflation. Doing so provides more statistical power, and greater rigor, compared to the original Baron and Kenny (1986) approach to testing mediation ( Fritz & MacKinnon, 2007 ). The RMediation package uses the asymmetric distribution of products test, which computes a 95% confidence interval around the product of the two path coefficients that comprise each potential mediating pathway. If this confidence interval does not include zero, then mediation is assumed at p <.05 ( Tofighi & MacKinnon, 2011 ).

As displayed in Table 4 , seven indirect effects were found to be significantly different from zero. Specifically, invariant Time 1 and 2 ethnic A/C positively predicted Time 4 optimism, and negatively predicted Time 4 rule breaking and aggression, through Time 3 coherence. Similarly, invariant Time 1 and 2 US A/C positively predicted Time 4 optimism, and negatively predicted Time 4 rule breaking and aggression, through Time 3 coherence. Lastly, invariant Time 1 and 2 coherence negatively predicted Time 4 depressive symptoms through Time 3 US A/C.

Indirect Effects of Personal and Cultural Identity on Psychosocial Functioning

Notes. All estimates reported are standardized regression coefficients and all indirect paths are significant at p <.050.

Step 5: Invariance across Site

Finally, we sought to ascertain whether any of the effects differed across sites. To do this, we compared an unconstrained model (with all paths free to vary across site) to a constrained model (with each path constrained to be equal across site) using the likelihood ratio test to evaluate the null hypothesis of equivalent findings across sites. This test provides only a chi-square difference and does not provide any other SEM fit indices. We found a significant difference in fit between these two models, Δχ 2 (51)=115.01, p <.001. As a result, we proceeded to examine each path for consistency across site by constraining one path at a time and examining the change in the log likelihood value. These follow-up analyses indicated several significant differences (see Table 5 , Figure 3 , and Figure 4 ).

Note . With the exception of categorical outcomes (i.e., cigarette use, alcohol use, and unprotected sex), which are Odds Ratio, all estimates are standardized regression coefficients. Parameter values from Time 1 to Time 2 and Time 2 to Time 3 are identical as a result of the stationarity constraints imposed in Step 1. For simplicity we have excluded 1) the autoregressive paths and 2) Time 1 controls. Paths in bold represent paths unique to this particular context while dashed paths are consistent across both sites.

Significant Site Differences

Notes. All estimates are standardized regression coefficients.

With regard to the cross-lagged relationships between personal and cultural identity, while maintaining the stationarity constraints, ethnic A/C at Time t negatively predicted confusion at Time t +1 only for participants in Los Angeles. Additionally, coherence more strongly predicted US A/C in Miami than in Los Angeles. For participants in Miami, ethnic A/C at Time 3 predicted optimism at Time 4. For participants in Los Angeles, coherence positively predicted self-esteem and negatively predicted cigarette use, confusion positively predicted unprotected sex and alcohol use, ethnic A/C negatively predicted unprotected sex, and US identity positively predicted Time 4 self-esteem.

Site-specific mediation

Because of these site differences, we repeated the tests of mediation separately for the Miami and Los Angeles sub-samples. Significant indirect effects ( p <.05) are displayed in Table 6 . Three sets of mediated effects emerged for adolescents in Miami: (1) invariant Time 1 and 2 ethnic A/C promoted Time 4 optimism, and was protective against aggression, through Time 3 coherence; (2) US A/C promoted optimism, and was protective against rule breaking and aggression, through coherence; and (3) coherence promoted optimism, and was protective against depressive symptoms, through US A/C. For the Los Angeles sample, four sets of mediated effects emerged: (1) ethnic A/C was protective against depressive symptoms, unprotected sex, and alcohol use, and promoted optimism and self-esteem, through confusion; (2) ethnic A/C promoted optimism, and was protective against aggression and cigarette use, through coherence; (3) US A/C promoted optimism and self-esteem, and was protective against aggression and cigarette use, through coherence; and (4) coherence was protective against unprotected sex through ethnic A/C.

Significant Site Differences in Indirect Effects on Psychosocial Functioning

Note: All estimates reported are standardized regression coefficients and all indirect paths are significant at p <.050.

This study examined the directionality between personal and cultural identity among recently immigrated Hispanic adolescents. We extend previous cross-sectional studies by evaluating the direct and indirect effects of personal and cultural identity on psychosocial functioning, and we evaluated site differences in these relationships.

Interplay Between Personal and Cultural Identity

Although cross-sectional studies have documented associations between cultural and personal identity, our findings clarify the direction of these effects. More specifically, not only did coherence predict greater ethnic and US A/C longitudinally, but ethnic and US A/C also predicted coherence. Our findings are consistent with arguments for bidirectional links between personal and cultural identity (e.g., Hitlin, 2003 ; Schwartz et al., 2008 ). However, the predictive effects of coherence on ethnic and US A/C were greater than the predictive effects of ethnic and US A/C on coherence. Thus, to some degree, understanding who one is and where one is going in life may serve to better orient youth towards understanding where they fit in relation to the cultural groups to which they belong. These findings support Schwartz, Montgomery, and Briones (2006) , who argued that a coherent sense of personal identity would anchor the person during the post-immigration cultural identity transition. Indeed, without the development of a coherent personal identity providing a sense of direction and stability, adolescents are likely to experience a sense of aimlessness, anomie, and distress ( Côté & Levine, 2002 ).

Additionally, three other important findings emerged from the cross-lagged analysis. First, results indicated non-significant longitudinal paths between coherence and confusion and between ethnic and US A/C. This lack of within-domain associations suggests that, although coherence and confusion, and US and ethnic A/C, may be conceptualized under personal and cultural identity respectively ( Schwartz et al., 2013 ), the processes within each identity domain appear to overlap considerably less than would be expected. That being said, results indicated significant concurrent correlations between coherence and confusion and ethnic and US A/C. Thus, the processes with each identity domain appear to be interrelated within time but do not predict one another across time. Second, confusion seemed to operate largely independent of the other three identity processes. Confusion appears to represent a maladaptive sense of disorganization that is not necessarily the opposite of coherence but that predicts negative psychosocial and health outcomes. Indeed, there is evidence that a fragmented and confused sense of identity portends low self-esteem, internalizing symptoms, externalizing problems, and health risk behaviors among members of various ethnic groups ( Oshri et al., 2014 ). Finally, while future studies are necessary to explore the directionality between personal and cultural identity across different development periods, as indicated by the stationarity results, these findings held across the first three waves of data, providing evidence for the generalizability of these findings over time.

Identity and Psychosocial Functioning

As part of our second aim, we evaluated the direct effects of personal and cultural identity on psychosocial functioning. Consistent with other empirical studies (e.g., Syed et al., 2013 ), confusion emerged as a negative predictor of self-esteem and optimism, and as a positive predictor of depressive symptoms, rule breaking, unprotected sex, and cigarette use. Coherence, on the other hand, positively predicted optimism and negatively predicted rule breaking and aggression. Regarding components of cultural identity, after controlling for personal identity, US A/C was associated with lower levels of depressive symptoms, whereas ethnic A/C did not significantly predict any indicators of psychosocial functioning. As a whole, the scarcity of direct effects of cultural identity is consistent with cross-sectional studies where personal identity relates to well-being and internalizing symptoms more strongly than cultural identity does ( Schwartz et al., 2009c ; Usborne & Taylor, 2010 ). Nonetheless, our longitudinal findings provide important theoretical and practical insights. Specifically, the small number of direct effects of cultural identity on outcomes, after controlling for personal identity, may indicate that an understanding of who one is and where one is going is more critical than understanding where one fits within one’s ethnic group and the context where one resides.

In addition to examining these direct effects, we evaluated the indirect effects of personal and cultural identity on psychosocial functioning. Both ethnic and US A/C positively indirectly predicted optimism and negatively predicted rule breaking and aggression through coherence. Thus, the effects of cultural identity on psychosocial functioning, which have been documented in numerous studies (for reviews, see Rivas-Drake et al., 2014 ; Umaña-Taylor, 2011 ), may operate indirectly via coherence. Although interventions may be wise to target both personal and cultural identity, it is worth noting that coherence predicted cultural identity more strongly than vice versa. Given the direct effects of coherence and confusion on nearly every outcome and the directional effects between coherence and cultural identity, despite the fact that cultural identity was a significant mediator, targeting personal identity directly may serve as the most optimal mechanism for promoting both cultural identity and positive psychosocial functioning. With that said, it is important to note that identity development is likely a complex process. Although the current findings point to the importance of personal identity over cultural identity, it is possible that cultural identity influences personal identity in implicit or indirect ways.

Exploring the Moderating Role of Site

Our results also indicated significant differences across sites. As a whole, cultural identity seemed to have played a larger role in Los Angeles than in Miami. Specifically, ethnic A/C, through confusion, predicted positive and negative psychosocial functioning and engagement in health risk behaviors. Through coherence, both ethnic and US A/C negatively predicted aggression and cigarette use. This finding highlights the role of cultural identity as a resource for personal identity development and points to key differences across contexts of reception. Given the protective role of ethnic A/C ( Umaña-Taylor, 2011 ), adolescents in Los Angeles, where Hispanics may be received more ambivalently ( Hayes-Bautista, 2004 ), might have less of an understanding of where they fit within their ethnic group and thus may experience a sense of confusion that inhibits personal identity development.

In Miami, results did not differ greatly from the findings from the sample as a whole. As such, although ethnic identity may inform adolescents’ sense of self and direction in life, in highly multicultural contexts it may not necessarily provide adolescents with the same amount of purpose and direction that it might in less welcoming contexts of reception. Given that research has indicated that the ethnic density of a community can impact awareness of one’s ethnicity ( Feinauer & Whiting, 2012 ), in the highly bicultural and welcoming context of Miami ( Stepick et al., 2003 ), where the majority of residents are first- or second-generation Hispanic immigrants ( US Census Bureau, 2011 ), Hispanic adolescents may be less likely to encounter discrimination and social exclusion. As a result, ethnic A/C may function more independently and may even be somewhat optional. It should be noted however, that for adolescents in Miami, ethnic A/C was found to negatively predict optimism, despite the non-significant yet positive bivariate correlation. Given that Hispanics represent the majority of Miami residents, one potential explanation for this counter-intuitive finding may be that more highly identified individuals are more likely to attribute negative social experiences to discrimination ( Hall & Carter, 2006 ; Sellers & Shelton, 2003 ).

In sum, given that ethnic and US identity predicted both coherence, and ethnic identity predicted confusion, which in turn predicted nearly every outcome, identity-based interventions might benefit by targeting both personal and cultural identity in contexts marked by ambivalence towards Hispanic adolescents. On the other hand, in ethnically dense, highly bicultural, and welcoming contexts, interventions might be better served by targeting personal identity directly. That being said, it is important to note that the interplay of identity processes may differ across country of origin or receiving community (which were confounded in our sample). Indeed, within the current sample, adolescents in Miami were largely of Cuban descent whereas those in Los Angeles were primarily of Mexican descent. Future studies should further explore the interplay of identity processes across context of reception and nativity.

Limitations and Future Directions

The present results should be interpreted in light of several limitations. All of our participants were recent immigrants residing in major metropolitan areas. It is possible that adolescents had already begun developing their personal identity in their country of origin, where cultural identity may have been less salient. While the results from the stationarity results provide evidence for the tenability of these findings over time, cultural identity may have only become salient following immigration. Thus, whether these findings can be generalized to immigrants who migrated before or after adolescence remains an empirical question. Given that some of the adolescents we sampled may still be in the process of exploring what it means to have both US and ethnic identities, future studies should also explore the interplay between personal and cultural identity domains. In addition, results may have been different in other cities or in “new receiving communities” where many Hispanic immigrants are settling (e.g., Kiang, Perreira, & Fuligni, 2011 ). Given that some of our findings differed between sites, and all of our participants were recruited from heavily Hispanic areas; future studies should examine the interplay between identity processes in less dense Hispanic communities. The current sample was also limited to individuals who could be reached and were not planning to move. Thus, findings may not generalize to adolescents whose families are more transient, such as seasonal workers. Finally, the high correlations between the affirmation and commitment subscales of the MEIM and AIM made it impossible to differentiate these two subscales, which represent two theoretically distinct processes ( Umaña-Taylor, Yazedjian, & Bámaca-Gómez, 2004 ). The lack of differentiation between affirmation and commitment may be due to recency of immigration, the developmental period under study, or problems with the measures. For recent immigrants and/or early adolescents, the process of understanding what ones’ ethnic and US membership means to them may be inextricably tied to their positive regard towards their cultural group membership. As such, it is necessary for future studies to uncouple these potential effects by using different instruments and by studying longer-term or older adolescents.

Our results suggest that personal and cultural identity influence one another in complex ways, and that at least some of this interplay differs according to the social context in which it is occurring. The ways in which personal and cultural identity impact psychosocial and risk-taking outcomes also appear to differ by context. Because we studied only two sites, we do not know which is the “rule” and which is the “exception.” It is therefore essential to conduct more work on personal identity, cultural identity, and their links with psychosocial and health outcomes across multiple contexts. Nonetheless, our findings hold important implications for the development and delivery of identity-focused interventions among recently immigrated Hispanic adolescents. By helping adolescents establish a coherent self-view and reconcile contradictory self-beliefs (cf. Harter, 2012 ), we may be able to improve their psychosocial functioning. We hope that this study will inspire more work in this direction.

1 Although we report the χ 2 value, we did not use it to gauge model fit because it tests a null hypothesis of perfect fit, which is rarely plausible with large samples or complex models ( Davey & Savla, 2010 ).

2 Although we report the Δχ 2 difference test, because it tests the null hypothesis that two paths or models are exactly equivalent ( Meade, Johnson, & Braddy, 2008 ), we did not rely on the Δχ 2 difference test in our interpretations.

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Bicultural Latinos embrace dual identities, shun pressure to assimilate

There are some things bicultural children get: speaking two languages, struggling to translate certain expressions and constantly having to answer, “But where are you really from?”

Then there's trying to convince Mom or Dad that a slumber party is a totally normal American custom for preteen girls — a sometimes unwinnable battle. 

Still, another reality for Latinos growing up in a bicultural household is the balancing act of assimilating into American culture while attempting to maintain a connection to their parents' Latin American roots.

For many Latinos who have immigrated to the U.S., assimilation into American culture is about blending — and for some, it's also about survival amid discrimination or outright racism.

But many younger Latinos, especially those born or primarily raised in the U.S., said they're rejecting this assimilation-for-survival narrative and reclaiming the full spectrum of their biculturalism — unapologetically embracing it in its many forms. 

"I think that my dad saw not teaching me Spanish as something that ultimately would make my life easier because of the way that he was perceived," said artist and community leader Sage Dolan-Sandrino about her Afro Cuban immigrant father.

“My dad really became aware of the differences that being not only a Black man in America, but a Spanish-speaking Black man would have on his life,” Dolan-Sandrino said. “So when he and my mom had me, a trans and mixed Black child, it caused my father to not teach me Spanish out of what I would understand as a trauma response.”

Dolan-Sandrino said though she understands her dad's decision to forgo teaching her and speaking to her in Spanish, she sees it as a missed opportunity.

"I think that my life would be so much more full and so much richer and I would have had been able to have conversations with my grandmother and learn so much about my family and my history," Dolan-Sandrino said. "And although that’s the unfortunate truth, I have to be radically aware of the reasons that my father made that decision."

Dolan-Sandrino is not alone in her awareness nor in her desire to connect more fully with her Afro Cuban heritage. According to Kantar Consulting’s 2018 Monitor study, a comprehensive analysis of the U.S. consumer market, 92 percent of Hispanics believe that living in the U.S. while maintaining a connection to the culture of their home country is natural.

To put it simply, for some Latinos, the idea of total cultural assimilation is becoming foreign. 

Comedian and writer Joanna Hausmann can attest to the role that highlighting her bicultural Venezuelan American identity has had in elevating her career.

"My career really took off," she said, "when I started creating videos on the internet for people like me, which were people that were 100 percent American, but also 100 percent Latino."

A term for people like Hausmann — 200 percenters — was established by Telemundo several years ago to refer to bilingual Latinos who identify as both American and Latino, easily jumping between those cultures and languages. NBC News and Telemundo are part of NBCUniversal.

"I came from the comedy world where being called Connor and being from Connecticut was the norm, and I saw myself hiding the complexities of my identity. Then I started making content online about my very specific experience as a Venezuelan American," Hausmann said. "I was shocked to see the positive reactions not only from Venezuelans, but from people from everywhere. ... That’s when I realized that identity isn’t something to hide; it’s actually a strength in creating content and creating comedy."

Hausmann co-hosts a podcast with fellow comedian Jenny Lorenzo called Hyphenated that explores living in the hyphen that connects American and Latino culture. 

A poll of Latinas released Thursday by Telemundo found that 62 percent of them considered themselves 200 percenters.

Still, many U.S.-based Latinos are criticized for not assimilating enough —as seen in multiple viral videos where they're berated by strangers for speaking Spanish.

Other Latinos have been criticized for assimilating too much — and not being fully bilingual, for example.

"I was raised in an English-speaking household and a very Americanized family," Ricardo Sebastián, the Mexican American co-founder of New York City talent agency Arraygency, said. "When I first embarked on learning Spanish in high school, I was so — and still am — very self-conscious of the fact that I have an American accent."

"And interestingly enough, sometimes I feel like I’ve experienced more discrimination from Hispanic people than I have for my gender identity as nonbinary," Sebastián said. "There’s like this weird expectation to be completely representative of your culture in a country where you’re also discriminated against for representing your culture."

Sebastián co-founded Arraygency with "Pose" star Jason Rodriguez specifically to provide representation and generate opportunities for people of color and queer and trans people within the entertainment industry.

'Not from here, nor from there'

Sebastián's experience, like so many others, can be summed up by the Spanish-language expression, "Ni de aquí, ni de allá," which means, "Not from here, nor from there." It's a dichotomy that, while worn as a badge of honor by some Latinos, serves to invalidate the bicultural experience for others.

"I used to think to myself, 'Can I be a Cuban woman if I’m a trans woman, if I’m a queer woman, if I don’t speak Spanish?'" Dolan-Sandrino said. "And the truth is, yes, because that is where I come from. That is what my history is. That is who my family is. I am the embodiment of a Cuban woman that exists at the intersections of my identity."

While not every bicultural experience involves speaking two languages — especially for second- and third-generation Hispanics — interest in speaking Spanish is on the rise , which is further evidence of changing demographics.

In the 2020 census, over 20 million Latinos identified with more than one race, compared to just 3 million in 2010.  According to the Pew Research Center , one factor could be changes in the census form that made it easier to identify with multiple races.

Acknowledging assimilation — but shunning it

Assimilation, code-switching and decisions to downplay cultural identity — from not speaking the family’s native language to not being vocal about own’s heritage — have been and will continue to be a way for immigrant families, many of them Latino, to adapt to life in the U.S.

For some, it's a way to try to shield themselves and their families from racism, prejudicial attitudes or even violence.

But Latinos account for over half of the nation's population growth in the last decade, and bicultural Hispanics are shaping American culture, politics and entertainment.

“I think people are questioning, what are we assimilating to?” Hausmann said.

Ultimately, many millennials and Gen Z Americans are rejecting the notion that the only path toward being authentically American is by watering down all the parts of themselves that represent their bicultural identity.

As the influence of Latino biculturalism evolves in the U.S., a more accurate term may be, "Somos de aquí y de allá," meaning, "We are from here and from there."

As Hausmann put it, there isn't one way to be an American, a move away from the time when everyone on TV looked a certain way.

"That’s changing and evolving — I do believe a lot of it has to do with the democratization of content," she said. "You have thousands of people around the world creating stuff that reflects who they are, that reflects a different type of American and a different type of identity, and people feel connected and related to that."

"I think it’s the breaking down of the America we thought existed," Hausmann said, "to the real America that exists today."

Follow  NBC Latino   on  Facebook ,  Twitter  and  Instagram .

Gabriela Fresquez is host of "Radar 2021" by Telemundo News. 

Hispanic American Culture and its Impact in America Essay

Hispanic Americans population in USA has been increasing over the last few decades. Today, Hispanic Americans make up about 16 percent of United State’s population and are minority group in the country.

Their presence is felt in various sectors; from work places, business, entertainment, to politics (Cafferty & Engstrom, 2002). As the number of Hispanic Americans increases, their culture is slowly becoming part of American culture.

The term Hispanic is used to refer to a diverse ethnic group united by their use of Spanish language. However, Hispanic Americans originate from various Spanish speaking countries especially in Central and Latin America.

The cultural group share common values by their shared Spanish culture but differ slightly by their country of origin. Hispanic Americans is a highly cultured ethnic group. Hispanic Americans’ family values, language, rituals and religions, etiquette, and eating habits are unique to other ethnic and cultural groups in the country.

The culture of Hispanic Americans has attracted high attention in the recent years. Many of Hispanic Americans maintain their cultures because most are recent immigrants. Family values, etiquette and use of Spanish language are the most distinguishing elements of Hispanic American. Hispanic Americans have high value for their families.

Hispanic American family extends beyond nuclear family and family members relate closely (Clutter & Nieto, 2008). The family is considered as the most important social unit and each family member considers helping other family members as a social responsibility. Family ties are such tight that Hispanic Americans have a habit of visiting one another or even living with other family members.

Spanish language and assent is what is most associated with Hispanic Americans. Most Hispanic American use both English and Spanish but the old and recent immigrants have difficulty in using English. Spanish, however, is the common language that used in Hispanic Americans homes or when speaking to other Hispanic Americans. Apart from language, Hispanic American’s etiquette is unique.

Most Hispanic Americans tend to be formal. For instance, a firm handshake is the common practice for greeting though slight hug and a kill on the cheek can be used among close family members (Clutter & Nieto, 2008). Another cultural feature of Hispanic Americans is religion and rituals. Most of Hispanic Americans are Roman Catholics and religion takes a central place in their lives (Clutter & Nieto, 2008).

Religious rituals such as prayers, attending daily and Sunday mass and celebrating patron saints make part of Hispanic Americans culture. In addition, Hispanic Americans’ eating habit reflects their origin and culture.

Impact of Hispanic Americans culture in American is evident. The most obvious impact is increased usage of Spanish in United States. Today Spanish is used in most parts of the country where Hispanic Americans live or work. A part from spreading Spanish, Hispanic Americans have been successful in small scale business, entertainment, sports and politics and their significance is being respected.

For example, Hispanic American musicians such as Jennifer Lopez, Gloria Estefan and Julio Iglesias and baseball players such as Juan Marichal have been very successful.

In addition, Hispanic Americans interact with other cultural and ethnic groups in the country; in work places, schools, churches and other places and share culture. Consequently, Hispanic Americans culture is slowly being accepted and integrated in American cultures. Hispanic foods, music, dance, clothing are becoming common with other cultural groups.

Hispanic Americans are the most culturally influential minority cultural and ethnic group in United States today.

The Hispanic cultural heritage month (15th September to 15 th October) set aside by United States government, demonstrates the impact of Hispanic Americans in the country (Lamb & Johnson, 2008). The action by the government shows that cultural diversity is something to celebrate and invites all Americans to embrace cultural diversity.

Reference List

Clutter, A. & Nieto, R. (2008). Understanding the Hispanic Culture . Web.

Lamb, A. & Johnson, L. (2008). Latino – Hispanic Heritage . Web.

Cafferty, P. & Engstrom, D. (2002). Hispanics in the United States: an agenda for the twenty-first century . New York: Transaction Publishers.

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IvyPanda. (2019, June 24). Hispanic American Culture and its Impact in America. https://ivypanda.com/essays/hispanic-american-culture-and-its-impact-in-america/

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1. IvyPanda . "Hispanic American Culture and its Impact in America." June 24, 2019. https://ivypanda.com/essays/hispanic-american-culture-and-its-impact-in-america/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Hispanic American Culture and its Impact in America." June 24, 2019. https://ivypanda.com/essays/hispanic-american-culture-and-its-impact-in-america/.

Home — Essay Samples — Sociology — Cultural Identity — I Am Proud of My Cultural Identity

I Am Proud of My Cultural Identity

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• Chen, K., Shao, A., Jin, Y., & Ng, A. (2020). I Am Proud of My National Identity and I Am superior to You: The Role of Nationalism in Knowledge and Misinformation. Available at SSRN 3758287. (https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3758287)
• Schwartz, S. J., Zamboanga, B. L., & Weisskirch, R. S. (2008). Broadening the study of the self: Integrating the study of personal identity and cultural identity. Social and Personality Psychology Compass, 2(2), 635-651. (https://compass.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1751-9004.2008.00077.x)
• Smolicz, J. (1981). Core values and cultural identity. Ethnic and racial studies, 4(1), 75-90. (https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01419870.1981.9993325?journalCode=rers20)
• Hall, S., & Du Gay, P. (Eds.). (1996). Questions of cultural identity: SAGE Publications. Sage. (https://sk.sagepub.com/books/questions-of-cultural-identity)
• Lucy, S. (2007). Ethnic and cultural identities. In Archaeology of Identity (pp. 96-119). Routledge. (https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9780203087572-10/ethnic-cultural-identities-sam-lucy)

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• Black and Hispanic Americans See Their Origins as Central to Who They Are, Less So for White Adults
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Table of Contents

• 1. Americans’ origins and connections to their families’ roots
• 2. Only about half of Americans say census questions reflect their identity very well
• Acknowledgments
• Methodology

For U.S. Hispanics, racial and ethnic identity can have many dimensions. Nearly two decades of Pew Research Center surveys of Hispanics show some identify most often with the country of origin of their ancestors, such as indicating they are Mexican, Dominican or Cuban or even American. Others choose pan-ethnic identities like Hispanic, Latino or even Latinx.

For others, their Hispanic identity is part of their racial identity . Others may indicate they have a Hispanic ancestor, yet they do not self-identify as Hispanic . Across all these findings, a consistent pattern emerges: The more generations removed someone is from their family’s immigrant roots, the less likely they are to identify with the origins of their immigrant ancestors, or even to identify as Hispanic.

Overall, 77% of Hispanics said they were very familiar with their origins, according to the 2020 survey. This share varied by immigrant generation, though majorities of all groups said they were very familiar with their origins. Some 83% of immigrant Hispanics said they were very familiar with their origins, a higher share than among second-generation or third- or higher-generation Hispanics. Still, Hispanics across all three generations were more likely than White adults (54%) to say they were very familiar with their origins. And immigrant Hispanics were more likely than Black adults (59%) to say this.

The majority of Hispanics also feel a strong cultural connection to their family’s origins. About seven-in-ten Hispanics (71%) said this in the survey. Among immigrants, 81% said they felt a strong cultural connection to their family’s origins, a higher share than that among second-generation (71%) and third- or higher-generation (63%) Hispanics. All three groups of Hispanics were more likely to say they felt strong cultural connections to their family’s origins than White adults (36%). And immigrant Hispanics were more likely than Black adults (61%) to feel strong family cultural connections.

Hispanics are more likely to be immigrants than non-Hispanics. Some 45% of Hispanic adults were born in another country, while 11% of non-Hispanic adults were born outside the U.S., according to Pew Research Center tabulations of the 2019 American Community Survey.

While many Hispanics said they are familiar with their origins, only 54% said their origins are central to their identity. Here too there is a link to immigrant generations. About six-in-ten immigrant Hispanics (61%) said their origins are central to their identity, while 51% of second-generation and 47% of third- or higher-generation Hispanics said the same. By comparison, 55% of Black adults indicate their origins are central to their identity, and just 23% of White adults say so.

Hispanics and their race and ethnicity

There are many ways to ask about racial and ethnic identities or origins. The choices that Hispanics make to describe their racial or ethnic identity can vary depending on how the question is asked and who is asking it.

The open-end approach to asking about race and ethnicity

In an open-ended question asking respondents to describe their race or ethnicity, 11% of U.S. adults mentioned an origin with roots in Latin America or Spain. These responses included pan-ethnic terms like Hispanic, Latino and (less commonly) Latinx. They also included references to countries, like Mexico or the Dominican Republic.

Among these adults, the single most common response was Hispanic. Some 41% described their identity this way with no mention of other origins or backgrounds. Another 17% wrote Latino but with no mention of other identities or origins; 11% described their race or ethnicity as “Hispanic and White,” and 10% wrote Mexican as their race or ethnicity with no other origin mentioned. These responses in total accounted for about eight-in-ten (79%) of open-ended answers given by adults who indicated an origin in Spanish-speaking Latin America or Spain.

“Hispanic” was mentioned alone or along with other races or origins in 58% of responses that referenced some Latin American or Spanish origin, mostly without the mention of any other identity. Meanwhile Latino was mentioned in 25% of responses and White was mentioned in 19%.

The 2020 decennial census approach to asking about race and ethnicity

Later in the survey, respondents were asked about their Hispanic and racial identity in the format used by the Census Bureau in the 2020 decennial census. First, respondents were asked if they were “Hispanic, Latino or of Spanish origin” and instructed to write in their origin. Overall, 16% of survey respondents self-identified as Hispanic, Latino or of Spanish origin, a higher share than the 11% who indicated a Latin American or Spanish origin in the open-ended question about race and ethnicity. Notably, two-thirds (67%) of survey respondents who say they are Hispanic in the Census Bureau question also provided a Latin American or Spanish origin in the open-end, but one-third (33%) did not.

Second, respondents were asked their race and instructed that for the purposes of the race question, “Hispanic origins are not races.” Respondents could select more than one race. Among self-identified Hispanics, 58% indicated their race is White (either alone or along with other races), 36% indicated “some other race,” 7% indicated American Indian or Alaska Native and 4% indicated Black or African American (also either alone or along with other races). 6

Responses to the Census Bureau race question varied by immigrant generation among self-identified Hispanics. About half (49%) of Hispanic immigrants indicated their race is White, a share that rose to about two-thirds among second- and third- or higher-generation Hispanics. Similarly, the share that indicated their race is “some other race” varied across immigrant generations: 44% of immigrant Hispanics indicated their race as some other race, while 30% of second-generation and 25% of third- or higher-generation Hispanics did so.

Among Hispanics, matches and mismatches in responses about race and ethnicity

Because the survey asked about race and ethnicity in two ways, it is possible to compare responses to the open-ended question with those of the closed-ended Census Bureau two-step question.

According to the survey, responses to the two methods for asking about race and ethnicity did not always match. Some 53% of self-identified Hispanics (based on the 2020 census Hispanic question) gave an answer in the open-ended question about race and ethnicity that matched what they indicated in the two-step closed-ended decennial census question, among those who gave valid answers to both questions. However, for 47%, there was not a complete match.

Similarly, among the 11% of adults who described their race or ethnicity in the open-ended question as indicating a Latin American or Spanish origin, 59% of responses matched selections in the decennial census two-question race and ethnicity method. Another 41% gave open-ended responses that partially match responses to the two-question race and ethnicity method. Less than 1% of open-ended responses among those indicating a Latin American or Spanish origin did not match responses given to the two-question race and ethnicity method of the decennial census.

One possible reason for this mismatch of responses is the instruction in the Census Bureau’s race question – for the purposes of this question, Hispanic origins are not races. Survey respondents may have been following those instructions, resulting in different responses in the race and ethnicity open-end question and the Census Bureau’s two-question race and ethnicity format.

While it is not clear which method is best or why there is a mismatch in responses among Hispanics, the survey did ask respondents about how well the Census Bureau’s two-question race and ethnicity method reflects their identity. About three-quarters (77%) of Hispanics said the census two-question method reflects how they see their identity and origins “very well” (44%) or “somewhat well” (32%), while 23% said it reflects their identity and origins “not too well” (17%) or “not at all” (5%). Immigrant Hispanics were more likely than U.S.-born Hispanics to say the census race and ethnicity questions reflect how they see identity and origins “very well” – 52% versus 38%.

• These findings are similar to those among Hispanic adults in the Census Bureau’s 2019 American Community Survey (IPUMS). According to Pew Research Center tabulations, 66% of Hispanic adults indicated their race as White, 26% some other race, 2% Black or African American and 1% American Indian or Alaska Native. ↩

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The Haunting Legend of La Llorona: a Cultural Ghost Story

This essay about the legend of La Llorona explores the enduring tale of “The Weeping Woman” in Latin American folklore. It recounts the story of Maria, who, driven by grief and madness, drowns her children and is condemned to wander the earth eternally, weeping and searching for them. The essay examines the themes of love, betrayal, and redemption embedded in the legend and its significance as a cautionary tale about the consequences of unchecked emotions. It also discusses how the story has been adapted across different cultures and its continued relevance in modern times as a symbol of cultural identity and heritage.

How it works

La Llorona, dubbed “The Mourning Mother,” emerges as an enduring and unsettling figure within Latin American lore, transcending temporal and geographic confines to etch a profound imprint upon cultural consciousness. This spectral entity, often portrayed as a grief-stricken maternal figure lamenting her submerged offspring, serves as a poignant testament to the ramifications of anguish and the otherworldly potency of maternal affection turned astray.

The genesis of La Llorona can be retraced to antecedent eras, amalgamating indigenous mythos with Spanish colonial accretions.

Predominantly, the narrative orbits around a comely woman christened Maria, ensnared in ardent devotion for a debonair, affluent gentleman. Despite her humble origins, Maria secures matrimonial union with him, birthing two progeny. Yet, their felicity proves ephemeral as Maria’s spouse wanes in ardor, ultimately forsaking her for another paramour. Submerged in despondency and desperation, Maria escorts her offspring to a river’s edge, succumbing to a paroxysm of madness as she submerges them. Confronted with the enormity of her transgression, she is engulfed by contrition, plunging herself into the same aqueous depths. Per the legend, Maria’s spirit is consigned to eternal wanderings, perpetually weeping and questing for her bereft progeny.

The narrative of La Llorona surpasses mere spectral lore, embodying a multifaceted saga that delves into the recesses of affection, treachery, and absolution. It serves as a cautionary chronicle, delineating the perils of unbridled emotions and their cataclysmic repercussions. The apparition of La Llorona epitomizes the epitome of maternal archetype, concurrently nurturing and annihilative, delineating the dichotomy of human disposition. Her relentless pursuit of her offspring mirrors a ubiquitous motif of forfeiture and the ache for the irrevocably lost, striking a chord with denizens across disparate cultures and epochs.

Across Latin America, the legend of La Llorona has metamorphosed into a panoply of guises and adaptations, each imbuing distinctive regional nuances into the narrative. In Mexican lore, she intertwines with the Day of the Dead festivities, where her saga serves as a salient reminder of the ethereal demarcation between the living and the deceased. In certain precincts, La Llorona is reputed to ensnare wayward juveniles venturing near rivers under the nocturnal shroud, underscoring the imperative of prudence and obeisance. In the southwestern United States, particularly enclaves populated by Hispanic denizens, the saga of La Llorona has melded seamlessly into local customs, persisting as a perennial muse for literary, cinematic, and musical endeavors.

The enduring allure of La Llorona lies in her capacity to evoke profound emotive responses. Her narrative taps into primal human apprehensions and yearnings, rendering her a captivating and relatable entity despite her ethereal genesis. The wailing matron by the river encapsulates the anguish of thwarted aspirations and the spectral remorse of irreversible transgressions. This emotive resonance ensures that La Llorona endures as a prominent fixture in popular lore, stimulating myriad adaptations and reinterpretations across diverse media.

In contemporary epochs, La Llorona has metamorphosed into a beacon of cultural identity and continuity for myriad Latin American enclaves. Her legend percolates through generations, safeguarding a fecund oral tradition that serves as a tether to ancestral heritage. The chronicle of La Llorona further bridges temporal chasms, affording modern-day audiences an avenue to commune with their historical lineage in a substantive manner. By perpetuating the legend, these communities safeguard the ethos and virtues enshrined within the narrative from fading into oblivion.

The mournful lamentations of La Llorona, reverberating through the nocturnal expanse, continue to ensnare and terrify those who encounter them. Her saga stands as a testament to the enduring potency of folklore in transcending temporal and spatial boundaries, proffering profound insights into the human condition. As long as rivers meander and juveniles hearken to the nocturnal whispers, the legend of La Llorona shall persist, serving as a poignant reminder of the tenuous equilibrium between love and desolation, and the enduring might of maternal lamentation.

Remember, this essay serves as a catalyst for contemplation and further exploration. For personalized guidance and assurance of compliance with academic norms, consider consulting experts at EduBirdie.

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The Haunting Legend of La Llorona: A Cultural Ghost Story. (2024, May 28). Retrieved from https://papersowl.com/examples/the-haunting-legend-of-la-llorona-a-cultural-ghost-story/

"The Haunting Legend of La Llorona: A Cultural Ghost Story." PapersOwl.com , 28 May 2024, https://papersowl.com/examples/the-haunting-legend-of-la-llorona-a-cultural-ghost-story/

PapersOwl.com. (2024). The Haunting Legend of La Llorona: A Cultural Ghost Story . [Online]. Available at: https://papersowl.com/examples/the-haunting-legend-of-la-llorona-a-cultural-ghost-story/ [Accessed: 29 May. 2024]

"The Haunting Legend of La Llorona: A Cultural Ghost Story." PapersOwl.com, May 28, 2024. Accessed May 29, 2024. https://papersowl.com/examples/the-haunting-legend-of-la-llorona-a-cultural-ghost-story/

"The Haunting Legend of La Llorona: A Cultural Ghost Story," PapersOwl.com , 28-May-2024. [Online]. Available: https://papersowl.com/examples/the-haunting-legend-of-la-llorona-a-cultural-ghost-story/. [Accessed: 29-May-2024]

PapersOwl.com. (2024). The Haunting Legend of La Llorona: A Cultural Ghost Story . [Online]. Available at: https://papersowl.com/examples/the-haunting-legend-of-la-llorona-a-cultural-ghost-story/ [Accessed: 29-May-2024]

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