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Child Marriage Essay

500 words child marriage essay.

Child Marriage continues to be a prevalent practice in many parts of the world . Even though the world is evolving at a fast pace, there are some regions that can’t seem to move on with times. What’s sad is the dark reality of child marriage which is not considered often. Child marriage is basically the formal or informal marriage of a child with or without their consent, under the age of 18. In most cases, the boy or man is older than the girl. Through a child marriage essay, we will throw light on this social issue.

Causes and Impact of Child Marriage

Child marriage is no less than exploitation of right. In almost all places, the child must be 18 years and above to get married. Thus, marrying off the child before the age is exploiting their right.

One of the most common causes of child marriage is the tradition which has been in practice for a long time. In many places, ever since a girl is born, they consider her to be someone else’s property.

Similarly, the elders wish to work out their family’s expansion so they marry off the youngsters to characterize their status. Most importantly, poor people practice child marriage to get rid of their loans, taxes, dowry and more.

The impact of child marriage can be life-changing for children, especially girls. The household responsibilities fall on the children. They are not mentally or physically ready for it, yet it falls on them.

While people expect the minor boys to bear the financial responsibilities, the girls are expected to look after the house and family. Their freedom to learn and play is taken away.

Further, their health is also put at risk due to the contraction of sexually transmitted diseases like HIV and more. Especially the girls who get pregnant at a young age, it becomes harmful for the mother as well as the baby.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

How to End Child Marriage

Ending child marriage is the need of the hour. In order to end this social evil, everyone from individuals to world leaders must challenge the traditional norms. Moreover, we must do away with ideas that reinforce that girls are inferior to boys.

We must empower the children, especially girls, to become their own agents of change. To achieve this, they must get access to quality education and allow them to complete their studies so they can lead an independent life later on.

Safe spaces are important for children to be able to express themselves and make their voices heard. Thus, it is essential to remove all forms of gender discrimination to ensure everyone is given equal value and protection.

Conclusion of Child Marriage Essay

To sum it up, a marriage must be a sacred union between mature individuals and not an illogical institution which compromises with the future of our children. The problem must be solved at the grassroots level beginning with ending poverty and lack of education. This way, people will learn better and do better.

FAQ on Child Marriage Essay

Question 1: What are the causes of child marriage?

Answer 1: The causes of child marriages include poverty, dowry, cultural traditions, religious and social pressures, illiteracy, and supposed incapability of women to work for money.

Question 2: How can we end child marriage?

Answer 2: To end child marriage we must also raise awareness about this issue and educate both parents and kids. Further, we must encourage them to be independent first and then search for a partner only after attaining a specific age. Laws should be introduced to tackle this social issue.

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Child Marriage: The Devastating End of Childhood

The devastation of child marriage effectively ends a girl’s childhood. How? Forced marriage robs a girl of her education and more, replacing lessons learned in the classroom with adult responsibilities, including forced pregnancy, well before she’s ready. This not only violates her rights, but risks her life, the lives of her children and the future of her community.

Tragically, about 40 million girls worldwide are currently married or in a union – and without our help, an estimated 150 million girls will be married in the next decade. This is unacceptable.

Read more about the issues, Save the Children’s impact – and how you can help end child marriage.

What is child marriage?

Asha, 19, found out that her family were making arrangements for her wedding when she was 15. The union had been agreed when she was 3 years old. She enlisted the Children’s Group and Child Protection Committee to lobby her father who eventually gave in and stopped the marriage. She has since helped other girls stop their marriages and has continued her education.

Child marriage is formal or informal union before age 18. It is a violation of children’s human rights  and a form of gender-based violence that robs children of childhood. Child marriage also  disrupts their education and drives vulnerability to violence, discrimination and abuse.

Yet these are some of today’s tragic child marriage statistics:

•  About 40 million girls ages 15-19 are currently married or in a union worldwide.
• Each year, some 12 million more girls will marry before reaching age 18 – and of those, 4 million are under age 15.
• Save the Children’s Global Girlhood Report estimates that an additional 2.5 million girls are at risk of child marriage globally between 2020 and 2025, as a result of reported increases in all types of gender-based violence due to the COVID-19 pandemic.
• We project that up to 15 million girls and boys will never return to school following pandemic lockdowns and school closures. Children who don’t come back are at greater risk of early marriage, child labor and recruitment into armed forces.
• By 2030, it’s estimated that 150 million girls will lose their childhoods due to child marriage.

What are the effects of child marriage?

Rizwana inside the the temporary shelters that she calls home. Rizwana had several difficult years but was assisted through them by Save the Children to better educate her family and avoid attempts of child marriage and child labor and eventually continue with her education.

Early marriage has devastating consequences for a girl’s life. Effectively, child marriage ends her childhood. Girls are forced into adulthood before they is physically and mentally ready. Child brides are frequently deprived of their rights to health, education, safety and participation. What’s more, an arranged marriage often means a girl is forced to wed an, at times significantly, older man.

Girls married young are far less likely to stay in school, with lifelong economic impacts. They are often isolated, with their freedom curtailed. They are at higher risk of physical and sexual violence. Child brides are also at greater risk of experiencing dangerous complications in pregnancy and childbirth, contracting HIV/AIDS and suffering domestic violence.

What are the effects of forced pregnancy?

“At the age of thirteen I was forced to marry a man who was much older than me," says 15-year old Aisha, seen here with her two-year old daughter. "I lived with him for awhile but we couldn’t get along because he was so much older than me.

Every year, around 17 million girls give birth. Forced pregnancy and childbearing at a young age, often a result of child marraige, when a girl’s body is not physically mature enough to deliver without complications, can also lead to devastating consequences.

Complications during pregnancy and childbirth represent the number one killer of girls ages 15-19 worldwide. And babies born to adolescent mothers face a substantially higher risk of dying, with a higher likelihood of low birth weight, malnutrition and underdevelopment. Young mothers are far less likely to be in school, and therefore more likely to struggle economically.

Where around the world does child marriage happen?

Amina* was 15 when child marriage threatened to ruin her life. Her father lost his income during COVID-19 lockdown and the family struggled to survive. Amina’s father received a marriage proposal for her and he agreed as the money the family would receive would help solve their financial problems. However, Amina’s mother was furious and went to Save the Children for help. Together they persuaded Amina’s father to reject the marriage offer and to continue her education.

Child marriage is a global problem and is compounded by poverty.  Child marriage is a problem that cuts across countries, cultures, religions and ethnicities. Child brides can be found in every region in the world. Major factors that place a girl at risk of marriage include poverty, especially in rural areas, as well as weak laws and enforcement, the perception that marriage will provide “protection,” customs or religious laws, and unequal gender norms.

In Africa, an estimated 12 million girls are still married each year . Despite worldwide progress in reducing child marriage and pregnancy, these are the countries with the highest child marriage rates:  Niger , Central African Republic,  Mali ,  Mozambique , and  South Sudan .

Why do child marriage rates rise during conflict?

Kadidia*, 14, and her parents were determined that the violence sweeping Africa’s Sahel region – including her homeland Mali – wasn’t going to end her chances of completing her education.

Conflict increases the inequalities that make girls vulnerable to child marriage – and its consequences. Families may arrange marriages for girls, believing marriage will protect their daughters from violence by strangers or armed groups, as well as to ease financial burdens on the family.

For example, child marriage rates have risen in war-ravaged Yemen , one of the few countries in the world without a legal minimum age for marriage. Now more than two-thirds of Yemen’s girls are married before age 18, compared to half before the conflict escalated.

Child marriage is also a growing concern among refugee children, including those from Myanmar and the Central African Republic.

How is Save the Children is a world leader in ending child marriage?

Rizwana’s leadership skills led her to being selected as a Save the Children Youth Champion, and through the additional support she has received through the Youth Champion program, she has continued to advocate for children’s education, the end of child marriage, and financial independence for vulnerable children and youth.

Thanks to compassionate supporters like you, Save the Children has championed equal rights for every child for over 100 years. We helped reduce child marriage worldwide by nearly one-third since 1990 – that’s tens of millions more girls empowered to stay in school or transition to work, and make marriage and motherhood decisions for themselves.

Save the Children puts gender equality at the heart of all we do. Every day, right from the start, we work to empower girls to stay in school, delay marriage and acquire the life and livelihood skills needed to successfully transition to adulthood. We work with girls and boys, families, communities and countries to change harmful gender norms and laws. Plus we empower girls to speak up, lead and succeed. We are the leading advocate for U.S. investment in girls’ leadership around the world.

In addition, Save the Children is proud to be the first nonprofit to be Gender Fair-certified for our commitment to advancing gender equality and empowering the world’s girls.

When you support Save the Children – whether it’s by donating, advocating or participating in an event challenge – you’re helping bridge the gap between the challenges girls face, like child marriage, and the futures they deserve. You’re helping ensure all children have equal opportunities to grow up healthy, educated and safe.  

Together, we can change children’s lives – ultimately, transforming the future we all share.

**Sources: Unless otherwise noted, facts and statistics have been sourced from Save the Children’s program and monitoring and evaluation experts, as well as published reports , including our gender equality reports . 

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• Open access
• Published: 14 February 2022

The health consequences of child marriage: a systematic review of the evidence

• Suiqiong Fan 1 &
• Alissa Koski 1 , 2  

BMC Public Health volume  22 , Article number:  309 ( 2022 ) Cite this article

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Child marriage, defined as marriage before 18 years of age, is a violation of human rights and a marker of gender inequality. Growing attention to this issue on the global development agenda also reflects concerns that it may negatively impact health. We conducted a systematic review to synthesize existing research on the consequences of child marriage on health and to assess the risk of bias in this body of literature.

Methods and findings

We searched databases focused on biomedicine and global health for studies that estimated the effect of marrying before the age of 18 on any physical or mental health outcome or health behaviour. We identified 58 eligible articles, nearly all of which relied on cross-sectional data sources from sub-Saharan Africa or South Asia. The most studied health outcomes were indicators of fertility and fertility control, maternal health care, and intimate partner violence. All studies were at serious to critical risk of bias. Research consistently found that women who marry before the age of 18 begin having children at earlier ages and give birth to a larger number of children when compared to those who marry at 18 or later, but whether these outcomes were desired was not considered. Across studies, women who married as children were also consistently less likely to give birth in health care facilities or with assistance from skilled providers. Studies also uniformly concluded that child marriage increases the likelihood of experiencing physical violence from an intimate partner. However, research in many other domains, including use of contraception, unwanted pregnancy, and sexual violence came to divergent conclusions and challenge some common narratives regarding child marriage.

Conclusions

There are many reasons to be concerned about child marriage. However, evidence that child marriage causes the health outcomes described in this review is severely limited. There is more heterogeneity in the results of these studies than is often recognized. For these reasons, greater caution is warranted when discussing the potential impact of child marriage on health. We provide suggestions for avoiding common biases and improving the strength of the evidence on this subject.

Trial registration

The protocol of this systematic review was registered with PROSPERO (CRD42020182652) in May 2020.

Peer Review reports

Introduction

Marriage before the age of 18, often referred to as child marriage, is a violation of human rights that hinders educational attainment and literacy and may increase the likelihood of living in poverty in adulthood [ 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 ]. Girls are far more likely to marry than boys, and these consequences contribute to existing gender gaps in educational outcomes in some settings [ 6 , 7 ]. The United Nations Sustainable Development Goals list child marriage as an indicator of gender inequality and call for an end to the practice by the year 2030 [ 8 ]. Child marriage remains ongoing throughout much of the world despite intensifying efforts to eliminate it [ 9 ].

In addition to its consequences on education, growing attention to child marriage as a global development issue also seems to reflect increasing consideration of its potential impacts on population health. Multinational organizations including the World Bank, the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) include the potential for harmful consequences on health among the foremost concerns regarding this practice [ 2 , 10 , 11 , 12 , 13 ]. These organizations highlight relationships between child marriage and early childbearing [ 11 , 12 , 13 ], obstetric complications [ 12 , 13 ], violence [ 2 , 12 ], and sexually transmitted infections [ 12 ], among other adverse outcomes.

We undertook this systematic review to synthesize the results of existing research regarding the impact of child marriage on the health of persons who marry before the age of 18. We evaluated the range of health outcomes that have been studied and the geographic distribution of those studies. We also assessed the risk of bias in individual studies and the likelihood that their results reflect causal relationships.

We searched three databases for literature on the relationship between child marriage and health: MEDLINE, Embase, and Ovid Global Health. These databases were chosen because they focus on biomedicine and human health. We aimed to include as broad a range of health outcomes as possible and focusing our search within these databases allowed us to avoid defining specific health outcomes within our search terms. Instead, we searched for studies of child marriage within these databases. This approach made our search terms more concise and the range of outcomes more inclusive. Specific search terms used for each database are included in Supplementary File 1 . We registered our protocol with PROSPERO (CRD42020182652) in May 2020 and conducted our database searches shortly afterward.

We also searched Google Scholar to identify relevant grey literature. Haddaway et al. [ 14 ] found that the majority of grey literature tends to appear within the first 200 citations returned by Google Scholar and recommend focusing on the first 200-300 records. We followed this recommendation and evaluated the first 300 records returned, as sorted by relevance. Search terms used in Google Scholar are also included in Supplementary File 1 . We reviewed the bibliographies of all included studies in an effort to identify any relevant citations not picked up through searches of the databases described above. The search strategy was developed with assistance from a research librarian at McGill University.

Citations returned from searches of all four databases were imported into EndNote X9 and duplicate citations removed [ 15 ]. We transferred all unique citations into Rayyan to facilitate the review process [ 16 ]. A single reviewer (SF) examined the title and abstract of each unique citation for eligibility according to pre-defined criteria specified in the registered protocol. Articles were brought forward for full-text review if they described etiologic studies that used quantitative methods to estimate the effect of child marriage on one or more health outcomes. We defined child marriage as formal or informal union prior to the age of 18. If the title and abstract did not specify the age thresholds used to define child marriage, they were brought forward for full-text review. For example, abstracts that referred to the effect of adolescent or teen marriage without explicitly stating how those exposures were defined were brought forward. Eligible health outcomes included physical or mental health disorders or symptoms of those disorders, as well as health behaviours. Eligible health behaviours included actions like smoking or dietary habits as well as health care seeking, such as prenatal care. We restricted our review to studies in which outcomes were measured at the individual level and to those that measured the effect of child marriage on the individuals married; studies that examined the effect of age at marriage on the offspring of the persons who married were excluded. Studies written in English, French or Chinese were eligible for inclusion.

We excluded studies that used solely qualitative methods and quantitative studies that relied exclusively on hypothesis testing to indicate differences between groups. For example, studies that used chi-squared tests to indicate whether the distribution of some characteristic differed between persons married before the age of 18 and those married at older ages were excluded, even if the authors seemed to interpret their results as causal, because such testing does not result in a comparative effect measure (e.g., a risk difference or an odds ratio) and does not account for potential biases. We also excluded studies in which persons who married before the age of 18 were incorporated into a larger aggregate age category, making the effect of child marriage unidentifiable. For example, comparisons of outcomes among persons who married between 15 and 19 years of age with those who married between 20 and 24 years of age were not eligible for inclusion. Conference presentations and abstracts were also excluded.

Both authors read the full text of each article brought forward from the title and abstract review and independently judged their eligibility according to the inclusion and exclusion criteria described above. Discrepancies were resolved through discussion. The following information was extracted from each included study: authors, title, year of publication, the language of publication, country/region in which the study was conducted, study design, study population, sample size, data sources, statistical methods, outcomes, and results.

Risk of bias assessment

We assessed the risk of bias within each included study using the Risk Of Bias In Non-randomised Studies - of Interventions (ROBINS-I) tool developed by members of the Cochrane Bias Methods Group and the Cochrane Non-Randomised Studies Methods Group [ 17 ]. ROBINS-I is designed to evaluate the risk of bias in non-randomized studies by considering how closely the study’s design and methods approximate an ideal randomized trial. To illustrate, in a hypothetical cluster-randomized trial to estimate the causal effect of child marriage on a specified health outcome, the treatment or intervention would be marriage before the age of 18 years. All children in a specific area (a region, a state, a community, etc.) would be randomized at a very young age to one of two treatment groups: those randomized to the intervention would marry at some point prior to their 18th birthdays (a = 1), while those randomized to the control group would marry on their 18th birthday or any later age (a = 0). All children would then be followed up over a period of time sufficient to observe the specified outcome of interest. In the ideal randomized trial, all persons would adhere to their assigned treatment (i.e., remain married) and would remain in the study until follow-up was complete. After the follow-up period, the probability of the outcome among those assigned to a = 1 would be compared with the same probability among those assigned to a = 0. Under these conditions, we could expect that there would be no differences between those children who married before the age of 18 and those who married afterward aside from age at marriage. As a result, if the probability of the outcome among those randomly assigned to marry as children differed from the probability among those randomly assigned to marry after their 18th birthdays, one could interpret that difference as the causal effect of child marriage [ 18 ].

Of course, a randomized trial like this would be unethical and could never actually be conducted. Researchers interested in the effects of child marriage on health must rely on non-randomized study designs to estimate the causal effect of interest. Without the benefit of randomization, it becomes challenging to identify the causal effect of child marriage because those who marry as children are different from those who marry at later ages in many ways. For example, girls who marry before the age of 18 come from poorer households and from communities with greater gender inequality, on average, compared to those who marry at later ages. These differences are likely to affect their health through causal pathways other than age at marriage, such as the experience of violence or limited ability to access education or health care. This means that a naïve comparison of health outcomes between those who marry as children and those who marry as adults is likely to mix up the consequences of age at marriage with the consequences of childhood poverty and gender inequality.

The ROBINS-I tool requires assessors to carefully consider the potential for multiple sources of bias including confounding, inappropriate selection of participants into the study (i.e., selection bias), mishandling of missing data, and problems with the measurement of exposures and outcomes (i.e., information bias). The potential for bias in each domain is assessed through a series of signaling questions and a summary judgement of low, moderate, serious, or critical risk of bias is then made within each domain. A cross-domain judgement of the risk of bias for the entire study is made based on the risk within each individual domain. Both authors independently assessed the risk of bias in each included study. Disagreements in any single domain or across domains were resolved by discussion.

We identified a set of variables likely to confound estimates of the effect of child marriage on a wide range of health outcomes in advance to facilitate assessment of bias in this domain. These variables and their relationships to child marriage and health, broadly defined, are illustrated in the simplified Directed Acyclic Graph (DAG) in Fig.  1 . The prevalence of child marriage has fallen over time in many countries, which means that the likelihood of marrying before the age of 18 differs across birth cohorts [ 6 , 19 ]. As discussed above, childhood socioeconomic conditions and gender inequality may lead to child marriage. They may also influence health later in life through a variety of causal pathways. We also considered spousal characteristics a source of confounding because the presence of an available spouse may drive child marriage. For example, a potential husband willing to pay a bride price for a young wife may motivate a family to marry a girl child. The same characteristics of the spouse that may motivate the marriage, such as his age, wealth, and attitudes regarding gender equity, may influence the married child’s health later in life through mechanisms like controlling behaviour. In studies that use pooled data from across multiple regions or countries, it is also important to control for confounding by country/regional-level variables that affect both the probability of child marriage and health. The DAG also illustrates our assumption that the effects of child marriage on health are often mediated through educational attainment and socioeconomic conditions after marriage.

Directed acyclic graph illustrating assumed causal relationships between child marriage and a wide range of health outcomes

We synthesized results narratively. Included studies considered a wide range of health outcomes, as intended given our search strategy. We found it most intuitive and pragmatic to synthesize results within broad outcome categories, such as the effects of child marriage on contraceptive use, on maternal health care, and on mental health. These categories emerged from the data and were not pre-specified. Meta-analyses were not conducted because the studies examined a wide range of health outcomes that were measured in different ways. The serious risk of bias in all included studies, discussed below, also made quantitative synthesis inappropriate.

Our search strategy returned a total of 2767 unique records from MEDLINE, Embase, Ovid Global Health and Google Scholar, as shown in Fig.  2 . After title and abstracting screening, the full text of 126 articles was reviewed. Fifty-six of these studies met our inclusion criteria and two additional eligible studies were identified through citation tracking, for a total of 58 included articles.

PRISMA flow diagram illustrating the process used to identify eligible studies

Selected characteristics of all 58 studies included in our review are presented in Table  1 . These studies were published between 1989 and 2020 but the vast majority ( n  = 55, 95%) were published in 2010 or later and more than half ( n  = 31, 53%) were published between 2016 and 2020, which reflects the relatively recent rise of child marriage on global health and development agendas. Included studies were based in 70 countries across the globe, as illustrated in Fig.  3 . Nearly all studies, 57 of 58, were based in low- and middle-income countries according to World Bank classifications [ 20 ]; the single exception was a study based in the United States [ 21 ]. The geographic distribution of studies included in our review was heavily focused in South Asia ( n  = 30, 52%) and Sub-Saharan Africa ( n  = 27, 47%), which is perhaps unsurprising given that countries in these regions have some of the highest rates of child marriage in the world [ 9 ]. However, more than half of the studies included in our review were based in just three countries: India ( n  = 13), Bangladesh ( n  = 8) and Ethiopia ( n  = 11). Studies from regions other than South Asia or Sub-Saharan Africa were nearly all included in a handful of studies that analyzed survey data from multiple countries simultaneously [ 22 , 23 , 24 ].

Nearly all included studies, 55 of 58 (95%), were based on the analysis of cross-sectional survey data. More than half ( n  = 34, 59%) relied on data from a single source, the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS), or their precursor, the World Fertility Surveys (WFS).

Geographic distribution of included studies

Bias assessment

All studies included in our review were determined to be at serious or critical risk of bias based on assessment using ROBINS-I. The summary risk of bias assessment for each study is listed in Table  1 ; risk of bias within each ROBINS-I domain in each study is detailed in Supplementary File 2 . Confounding was the most prevalent concern. Every study was deemed to be at serious to critical risk of bias in this domain, most often because of failure to account for important sources of confounding and inappropriate adjustment for variables affected by age at marriage that are on the causal pathway. Cross-sectional surveys like the DHS often do not collect information necessary to control for confounding. Failure to control for major sources of confounding like childhood poverty and gender inequality may result in overestimation of the harmful effects of child marriage. The second common source of bias was adjustment for variables measured after marriage that are likely on the causal pathway between age at marriage and the health outcomes being studied. To illustrate, the authors of many studies included in this review acknowledged that age at marriage may dictate how long a girl stays in school and that her educational attainment may subsequently influence a wide range of health outcomes. Unfortunately, they then adjusted for educational attainment in regression analyses. This will very likely result in biased estimates because educational attainment was measured after marriage and is more likely to be a mediator than a confounder (Fig.  1 ) [ 79 , 80 ]. Adjusting for it may remove some of the effect of child marriage on health and lead to underestimates of effect. Given that these two issues may bias results in different directions, predicting the net direction of confounding within studies is challenging. Other sources of bias also affected many of the studies in this review, including selection and measurement biases. Few authors discussed the potential influence of bias on their estimates or their conclusions.

The health consequences of child marriage

Studies included in our review estimated the effect of child marriage on a variety of health outcomes. The most common outcomes were measures of reproductive health, such as fertility and fertility control, maternal health care utilization, intimate partner violence, mental health, and nutritional status. The following paragraphs synthesize the literature in each of these categories. In light of the serious risk of bias in all included studies, we interpreted these results with a high degree of caution. We assessed the direction of effect measures, meaning whether the study found that child marriage increased or decreased the probability of experiencing the outcome, and the consistency of directionality across studies within each outcome category. We also assessed the precision of effect measures by evaluating the width of confidence intervals surrounding those measures. We did not interpret the magnitude of the effect estimates from individual studies due to the risk of bias.

The effect of child marriage on the number and timing of births

Eleven studies estimated the effect of child marriage on the number of children born, though this outcome was not consistently measured. Some studies estimated the effect of child marriage on the odds of having given birth to any children [ 34 , 50 , 63 ], the odds of having three or more children [ 24 , 46 , 50 , 63 , 75 ], four or more children [ 34 ], five or more children [ 37 , 69 ], or a continuous measure of the total number of children ever born [ 24 , 25 , 30 , 46 , 54 ]. The age ranges of the people included in these studies also differed, leading to variation in the time frame over which these births could have occurred. Child marriage was correlated with higher fertility in nearly all studies regardless of how the outcome was defined. The only exception was a study from Ethiopia that found no effect [ 30 ]. Ten of these studies focused on fertility exclusively among women. Misunas et al. [ 24 ] focused on men and came to similar conclusions: child marriage increased the odds that men aged 20-29 had fathered three or more children and increased the average number of children fathered by the ages of 40-49 [ 24 ].

A second commonly examined outcome was the likelihood of giving birth within the first year of marriage. Four studies based on data from South Asia [ 39 , 46 , 50 , 63 ] and one study based on pooled data from multiple countries in Africa [ 75 ] examined this outcome. Three of these studies [ 46 , 50 , 75 ] reported that marriage before the age of 18 decreased the odds of giving birth within the first year of marriage. The remaining two [ 39 , 63 ] did not find any evidence of a relationship between child marriage and this outcome.

We also identified five studies that estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood of giving birth before a specified age, often referred to as early, teen, or adolescent pregnancy [ 23 , 26 , 31 , 32 , 34 ]. Three of these studies found that child marriage increased the odds of giving birth before the age of 20 [ 26 , 31 , 32 ], the other two reported that child marriage increased the odds of giving birth before the age of 18 [ 23 , 34 ]. Two studies also estimated the effect of child marriage on mean age at first birth and found that those who married before the age of 18 gave birth for the first time at younger ages, on average, than those who married at older ages [ 32 , 46 ].

Collectively, this evidence indicates that women who marry as children often begin having children of their own at earlier ages when compared to their peers who marry after their 18th birthdays, and that they tend to have a larger number of children over their lifetimes. This is not surprising, given that marriage changes sexual behavior in ways that increase the risk of pregnancy. Essentially, girls who marry at earlier ages spend a longer time at risk of pregnancy than those who marry later.

The effect of child marriage on birth intervals

The World Health Organization recommends an interval of at least 24 months between a live birth and a subsequent pregnancy to reduce the risk of poor maternal health outcomes [ 81 ]. Five studies included in our review estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood of repeated childbirths in less than two years [ 39 , 50 , 62 , 63 , 75 ]. All five used samples of women between the ages of 20 and 24 who were included in DHS. A sixth study based on a small cross-sectional sample of women aged 15-49 from Ethiopia estimated the effect on repeated childbirth in less than three years [ 27 ]. These studies came to different conclusions. Two studies by the same author reported that child marriage increased the odds of repeated childbirth within two years in India [ 62 , 63 ] but another study based on the same data source found that women who married as children were less likely to have two births within a two-year period than those who married at older ages [ 39 ]. There were also differences in the results of research from Pakistan: one study reported that child marriage made it more likely that women would have two births within two years [ 50 ] while another found no evidence that child marriage influenced this outcome [ 39 ]. Child marriage protected against short birth intervals in Nepal [ 39 ] and in an analysis of data from 34 African countries [ 75 ]. There was no evidence that child marriage influence the likelihood of short birth intervals in Bangladesh [ 39 ].

These results, which range from harmful to protective effects, indicate that child marriage is not clearly or consistently correlated with short birth intervals.

Child marriage, unwanted or mistimed pregnancy, and pregnancy termination

Seven studies estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood of experiencing a mistimed or unwanted pregnancy [ 39 , 46 , 47 , 50 , 62 , 63 , 75 ]. All seven were based on analyses of DHS data. The DHS typically asks women whether pregnancies were wanted at the time they occurred, wanted later (i.e., mistimed), or not wanted. Interestingly, six of the seven studies that examined this outcome reduced these categorical responses into a binary measure: women were categorized as having an unwanted pregnancy if they reported that they had a mistimed pregnancy or if they became pregnant when they did not want any more children [ 39 , 46 , 50 , 62 , 63 , 75 ]. The rationale for doing this was not explained in any of the studies. The remaining study [ 47 ] only categorized instances in which a woman became pregnant at a time when she did not want any more children as unwanted.

Estimates of the effect of child marriage on this outcome are mixed. A study from 34 countries in Africa reported that child marriage protected against mistimed/unwanted pregnancies [ 75 ]. Studies from India, Pakistan, and Nepal concluded that child marriage increased the odds of experiencing mistimed/unwanted pregnancy [ 39 , 50 ]. Three studies from Bangladesh came to different conclusions. One found no relationship between child marriage and this outcome [ 39 ] while another reported that child marriage increased the odds of mistimed/unwanted pregnancy [ 46 ]. The third used a different definition of the outcome and found that marriage before the age of 15 was positively associated with unwanted pregnancy (mistimed pregnancies were treated as wanted) but no evidence that marriage between the ages of 15 and 17 affected the likelihood of unwanted pregnancy [ 47 ].

Three of these studies also estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood of experiencing two or more mistimed or unwanted pregnancies [ 39 , 62 , 63 ]. Godha et al. reported a large effect of child marriage on having multiple mistimed/unwanted pregnancies in India, Bangladesh, and Pakistan but results were inconclusive in Nepal [ 39 ]. Two studies by the same author reported that child marriage increased the odds of having multiple mistimed/unwanted pregnancies in India [ 62 , 63 ].

We identified eight studies of the effect of child marriage on pregnancy outcomes [ 39 , 47 , 48 , 50 , 57 , 63 , 66 , 75 ]. Six of these relied on the DHS, which typically asks female respondents, “Have you ever had a pregnancy that miscarried, was aborted, or ended in a stillbirth?” [ 82 ]. The wording of this question makes it impossible to examine these outcomes separately. As a result, most studies based on the DHS used a composite outcome that grouped these three events despite differences in their intendedness. Five studies based on the DHS concluded that child marriage increased the odds of having a pregnancy end in either miscarriage, abortion, or stillbirth [ 39 , 48 , 50 , 63 , 75 ]. Exceptionally, the 2007 Bangladesh DHS asked a yes or no question regarding whether a woman had ever terminated a pregnancy. Using responses to this question, Kamal reported that marriage before the age of 15 was correlated with higher odds of termination but no evidence that marriage between 15 and 17 years of age influenced this outcome [ 47 ].

Two studies from India used other cross-sectional data sources and defined their outcomes differently. Santhya et al. used a combined outcome of miscarriage and stillbirth and found that child marriage increased the likelihood of experiencing either of these birth outcomes. [ 66 ]. Paul considered stillbirth and miscarriage separately. Marriage before the age of 15 increased the odds of stillbirth and miscarriage, but marriage between the ages of 15-17 was no less risky in this regard than marriage at 18 or later [ 57 ].

Child marriage and contraceptive use

Fifteen of the studies included in our review estimated the effect of child marriage on various aspects of contraceptive use [ 23 , 24 , 32 , 39 , 40 , 41 , 43 , 46 , 53 , 56 , 62 , 63 , 65 , 66 , 75 ]. All were based on cross-sectional data and thirteen used data from the DHS.

Of these fifteen studies, eight estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood that women were using contraception at the time the surveys were conducted [ 32 , 39 , 40 , 46 , 53 , 62 , 63 , 65 ]. As with other outcomes, results were mixed. Child marriage reportedly increased the likelihood of using modern contraception in India and Bangladesh [ 39 ]. Results from Pakistan and Nepal indicate that the same may be true in those countries but the estimates were imprecise [ 39 ]. A second study from Nepal concluded that child marriage led to lower odds of using modern contraception [ 65 ]. The two studies from Nepal used different samples of women, which may partially explain the differences in their results. A study based on pooled data from 18 African countries found that child marriage was correlated with a lower likelihood of using modern contraception [ 53 ]. However, results varied markedly between countries and across geographic regions; in some, child marriage appeared to increase the likelihood of using modern contraception [ 53 ]. In Ghana, de Groot et al. found that child marriage was not correlated with the odds of using any form of contraception or with the use of modern contraceptives [ 32 ].

Two other studies investigated the effect of child marriage on the use of any method of contraception, including those not classified as modern [ 40 , 46 ]. Marriage prior to the age of 15 led to lower odds of contraceptive use in Rwanda, but there was no indication that those who married between 15 and 17 years of age were any more or less likely to use contraception than those who married at older ages [ 40 ]. In Bangladesh, women who married as children were more likely to be using some form of contraception at the time of the survey than those who married at the age of 18 or older [ 46 ]. In yet another iteration of this outcome, Yaya [ 75 ] reported that women who married as children were more likely to have ever used modern contraception. A single study estimated the effect of child marriage among men on the likelihood that they were using modern contraception [ 24 ]. In five of ten countries studied, child marriage was not related to modern contraceptive use. In two (Honduras and Nepal), child marriage seemed to slightly increase the odds of contraceptive use, but it decreased the likelihood in Madagascar [ 24 ].

A second outcome that has received particular focus is whether a woman used contraception before her first pregnancy. All four studies that examined the effect of child marriage on this outcome were based on data from South Asia [ 39 , 56 , 63 , 66 ] and concluded that marrying as a child decreased the likelihood that a woman used contraception prior to her first pregnancy [ 39 , 56 , 63 , 66 ]. The authors of these studies frequently interpreted their results as an indicator of uncontrolled fertility that may place girls and their children at risk of poor health outcomes [ 39 , 56 , 63 ]. However, this relationship is more challenging to interpret because the outcome variables used did not capture whether pregnancies were desired shortly after marriage or the outcomes of those pregnancies.

Four studies estimated the impact of child marriage on the likelihood that a woman had an unmet need for contraception [ 23 , 32 , 41 , 43 ]. This outcome was conceptually defined as a woman who is sexually active but not using contraception and who reports a desire to delay the next birth (a need for spacing), have no more births (a need for limiting), or a combination of the two. Once again, conclusions differ between studies. Using pooled DHS data from 47 countries, Kidman and Heymann found that marrying as a child increased the likelihood that women had an unmet need for contraception to either space or limit births [ 23 ]. An analysis of DHS data from Ethiopia found that women who married as children were less likely to have an unmet need for spacing and less likely to have an unmet need for limiting births compared to women who married at older ages [ 41 ]. In Zambia, child marriage was correlated with a greater unmet need for spacing and for limiting [ 43 ]. In Ghana, de Groot et al. found that child marriage was not correlated with an unmet need for limiting [ 32 ]. These studies all used different samples, which may partially explain the differences in their results.

Child marriage and use of maternal health care

Nine of the studies included in our review estimated the effect of child marriage on the use of health care during pregnancy, at the time of delivery, and during the post-partum period, which we collectively refer to as maternal health care [ 33 , 39 , 49 , 53 , 58 , 62 , 66 , 67 , 74 ].

Studies of prenatal care defined their outcomes as the receipt of at least one prenatal checkup [ 49 , 62 ], the receipt of four or more prenatal checkups [ 49 , 58 , 67 ], or a count of the total number of prenatal checkups received [ 39 , 53 ]. Once again, results within countries come to different conclusions. In Nepal, one study found that women who married as children were less likely to receive four or more prenatal checkups [ 67 ] while another found no evidence that child marriage influenced this outcome [ 39 ]. A study from India found no indication that child marriage affected prenatal care [ 39 ] but two others concluded that child marriage decreased the likelihood of receiving at least one checkup and of receiving at least four checkups [ 58 , 62 ]. In one study from Pakistan, women who married as children were less likely to receive any prenatal care than those who married at older ages, but there was no difference in the likelihood of receiving four or more checkups [ 49 ]. A separate study from the same country reported that child marriage had no effect on the number of prenatal care checkups [ 39 ]. The effect of child marriage on the number of prenatal care visits varied between geographic regions in Africa. In some, child marriage appeared correlated with a decrease the number of visits while in others there was no effect [ 53 ].

Compared to other outcomes, the results of studies that estimated the impact of child marriage on the likelihood of delivering in a health care facility were remarkably consistent. Across geographic locations, all seven studies that examined this outcome concluded that child marriage reduced the likelihood of delivery in a health care facility [ 39 , 49 , 53 , 58 , 66 , 67 , 74 ]. Six of the same studies also found that women who married as children were less likely to have a skilled health care provider present during delivery [ 39 , 49 , 53 , 58 , 67 , 74 ].

Only two studies considered post-natal care [ 58 , 67 ]. One reported that child marriage led to lower likelihood of a post-natal checkup within 42 days of delivery in India [ 66 ] while the other found a lower likelihood of a checkup within 24 h of delivery in Nepal [ 75 ].

Child marriage and intimate partner violence

Sixteen studies estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood of experiencing intimate partner violence [ 22 , 23 , 29 , 35 , 38 , 42 , 51 , 53 , 55 , 60 , 62 , 64 , 66 , 70 , 71 , 77 ]. Fifteen of these studies were based on cross-sectional data [ 22 , 23 , 29 , 35 , 38 , 42 , 51 , 53 , 55 , 60 , 62 , 64 , 66 , 70 , 71 ] and eight (50%) were based on the DHS [ 22 , 23 , 51 , 53 , 60 , 62 , 64 , 70 ]. The DHS measures intimate partner violence by asking female respondents a series of questions regarding their experience of specific acts. For example, physical violence is assessed by asking women whether they have been slapped, kicked, or pushed, among other actions. Sexual violence is assessed by asking whether the respondent’s husband has forced her to have sex or perform sex acts when she did not want to. Emotional violence is measured by asking whether her spouse has humiliated or threatened her [ 83 ]. Studies based on data from sources other than the DHS tended to use the same or very similar questions to measure the experience of violence.

Physical violence was the most frequently examined outcome but was measured over different time frames across studies. Some estimated the likelihood of ever having experienced physical violence from a husband or partner while others considered only the year prior to the survey. Still, others focused on the 3 months prior to the survey [ 35 ], the 9 months between survey waves [ 77 ], or during pregnancy [ 38 ]. Regardless of the time period during which violence was measured, the conclusions of these studies were fairly consistent: nearly all reported that marrying as a child increased the likelihood of experiencing physical violence [ 22 , 38 , 51 , 55 , 60 , 64 , 66 , 71 , 77 ]. A study from Ethiopia found no indication that child marriage had an effect on this outcome but it considered a relatively short time period of 3 months [ 35 ].

Estimates of the effect of child marriage on the experience of sexual violence were much less consistent. Two studies from India came to conflicting conclusions. Raj et al. found that child marriage did not increase the likelihood of experiencing sexual violence at any point or in the year prior to the 2005-06 National Family Health Survey [ 64 ]. However, a study by Santhya et al. based on survey data collected from five Indian states between 2006 and 2008 found that child marriage did increase the likelihood of ever experiencing sexual violence [ 66 ]. Studies from Bangladesh and Ghana reported that women who married as children were no more or less likely to experience sexual violence than those who married at later ages [ 60 , 71 ]. Two studies that pooled DHS data across multiple countries also found mixed results [ 22 , 53 ]. Olamijuwon used data from 18 African countries and found that child marriage increased the odds of experiencing sexual violence in Central, East, and Southern Africa, but there was no evidence of a statistical relationship in West Africa [ 53 ]. Kidman used DHS data from 34 countries across the globe and reported that child marriage seemed to increase the odds of experiencing sexual violence in the year prior to the surveys in all included geographic regions except Europe and Central Asia [ 22 ]. Erulkar found that women who married as children in Ethiopia were more likely to report that their first sexual experience was forced [ 35 ].

Only two studies, one from Pakistan and one from Ghana, considered emotional violence as a stand-alone outcome. Both concluded the child marriage led to an increase in the likelihood of ever experiencing emotional violence from an intimate partner [ 51 , 71 ].

Five studies considered only combined outcomes that mixed indicators of physical and sexual violence [ 62 , 70 ], or physical, sexual, and emotional violence [ 23 , 29 , 42 ]. All of these found that child marriage was associated with increased reporting of these composite measures of violence, but some results were sensitive to the sample used and were inconsistent across locations [ 70 ]. Hong Le et al. considered whether child marriage affected the likelihood of violence among boys but was underpowered to detect any effect [ 42 ].

Child marriage and mental health

Five of the studies included in our review estimated the effect of child marriage on various aspects of mental health. These studies relied on cross-sectional data collected from Ghana, Iran, Ethiopia, Niger and the United States [ 21 , 32 , 36 , 44 , 45 ]. Women in the United States who married before the age of 18 were more likely to report experiencing a wide range of mood, anxiety, and other psychiatric disorders in adulthood when compared to those who married at later ages [ 21 ]. The authors of a small study from a single county in Iran found that women who married as children reported more depressive symptoms than those who married at the age of 18 or older [ 36 ]. John, Edmeades, and Murithi examined the relationship between child marriage and multiple domains of psychological well-being in Niger and Ethiopia [ 44 ]. The authors found that marriage before the age of 16 was correlated with poorer overall psychological well-being, but no evidence that marriage between the ages of 16 and 17 was associated with poorer outcomes when compared to women who married at the age of 18 or later [ 44 ]. In Ghana, child marriage seemed to protect against measures of stress. The Ghanaian study also found no indication of differences in levels of social support between women who married before the age of 18 and those who married after their 18th birthdays, though these odds ratio estimates were very imprecise [ 32 ].

Child marriage and nutritional status

Six studies included in our review estimated the effect of child marriage on indicators of nutritional status [ 28 , 34 , 52 , 61 , 76 , 78 ]. Four focused exclusively on pregnant women. Two studies from Ethiopia examined the relationship between child marriage and mid-upper arm circumference (MUAC) [ 52 , 76 ]. One reported that pregnant women who married before the age of 18 were more likely to have an MUAC less than 22 cm, often interpreted as a marker of undernutrition [ 84 , 85 ], compared to those who married later on [ 52 ]. The other found that marrying before the age of 15 increased the likelihood of MUAC <22 cm but no evidence that marrying between the ages of 15 and 17 affected this outcome [ 76 ]. A third study from Ethiopia reported that child marriage led to an increase in the prevalence of Vitamin A deficiency among pregnant or recently post-partum women [ 28 ].

Two other studies focused on women who were not pregnant and used body mass index (BMI) as the indicator of nutritional status [ 34 , 78 ]. Their results diverge. Yusuf et al. found that women in Nigeria who married as children were more likely to have a BMI less than 18.5, frequently interpreted as underweight among adults. However, in a study of 35 African countries, Efevbera et al. reported that child marriage was protective against being underweight (BMI<18.5) [ 44 ]. Interestingly, the authors of these studies offered plausible explanations for effects in either direction. Efevbera et al. hypothesize that girls who marry as children may gain access to more plentiful food at an earlier age and that repeated pregnancies during adolescence might result in greater weight gain relative to those who marry at later ages [ 34 ]. In contrast, Nigatu et al. note that repeat pregnancies in quick succession may have a detrimental impact on cumulative nutritional status [ 52 ]. This suggests that the mechanisms through which age at marriage may affect subsequent nutritional status have not been thoroughly considered.

Other health consequences of child marriage

A few of the studies included in our review examined outcomes other than those discussed above. We note them briefly here. A case-control study from India reported that women diagnosed with cervical cancer were more likely to have been married before the age of 18 [ 72 ]. A large, pooled analysis of DHS data from 47 countries reported that child marriage was associated with symptoms of sexually transmitted infections [ 23 ]. A small, cross-sectional study from a single Indian state found no evidence that child marriage led to an increase in the odds of obstetric fistula [ 68 ]. A third study from India examined the effect of child marriage on the odds of experiencing at least one complication during pregnancy, delivery, or within two months after delivery [ 57 ]. Marriage before the age of 15 seemed to increase the likelihood of pregnancy complications, but there was no evidence of an effect for marriage between 15 and 17 years. Child marriage was not associated with delivery complications, but was associated with postnatal complications [ 57 ]. A study from Ghana found no indication that child marriage influenced the likelihood of self-reported poor health, of being ill in the two weeks prior to the survey, or of having a health insurance card but did report that child marriage increased the odds of having difficulty with activities of daily living, such as bending or walking [ 32 ].

Our systematic review synthesized research on the health consequences of marrying before the age of 18. Studies almost uniformly found that women who married before the age of 18 began having children of their own at earlier ages and gave birth to more children over the course of their reproductive lives when compared to those who married at the age of 18 or later. Whether these outcomes, considered alone, are harmful to health is not clear. Though there are many reasons to be concerned about adolescent childbearing, none of the studies of the effect of child marriage on the timing of births considered whether those pregnancies were planned or desired or whether they resulted in obstetric complications or maternal morbidity or mortality [ 23 , 26 , 31 , 32 , 34 , 39 , 46 , 50 , 63 , 75 ]. Similarly, having multiple births, especially at short intervals, may increase the risk of obstetric complications and subsequent morbidity or mortality. However, studies that compared the number of children born to women who married before the age of 18 with the number born to those who married at later ages also did not measure whether those pregnancies were planned or whether they led to harm [ 24 , 25 , 30 , 34 , 37 , 46 , 50 , 54 , 63 , 69 , 75 ]. Rather, studies seemed to assume that these are negative outcomes without directly measuring intentions or harms.

A separate set of studies that estimated the effect of child marriage on the experience of mistimed or unwanted pregnancies came to divergent conclusions: some found that child marriage increased the likelihood of these outcomes but others found that child marriage protected against them or had no effect. Studies of whether child marriage affected the likelihood of obstetric complications, miscarriage or stillbirth did not consider maternal age when those events occurred [ 39 , 47 , 48 , 50 , 57 , 63 , 66 , 75 ]. Moreover, the fact that child marriage corresponds with a larger number of pregnancies means that girls who married prior to the age of 18 had more opportunities to experience these events compared to those who married later; this was not discussed in any of the studies we identified.

The results of studies in other outcome domains are very mixed and challenge some common narratives regarding child marriage. To illustrate, studies included in this review came to conflicting conclusions regarding whether child marriage increases or decreases the use of modern contraception, the likelihood of giving birth within the first year of marriage, and the likelihood of repeated childbirth within two years. Conclusions regarding mistimed and unwanted pregnancies were also mixed, as noted above. Collectively, these results suggest that child marriage is not uniformly characterized by an inability to control the number or timing of births and suggests that a more cautious approach to discussions of agency within these marriages is warranted, at least regarding fertility and fertility control.

Across studies, women who married as children were less likely to give birth in a health care facility or with assistance from a skilled health care provider. These findings raise concerns about access to emergency obstetric care and subsequent birth outcomes for both mother and child. However, we found only one study that estimated the effect of child marriage on the likelihood of complications during pregnancy, delivery, and the postpartum period [ 57 ] and consideration of the consequences for the infants born was beyond the scope of this review. This statistical relationship could be confounded by lack of access due to geographic distance. Child marriage is more common in rural areas, where health care facilities and skilled health care providers may be more spread out. It may also be a function of gender inequality, which may manifest as an inability to seek care without permission. Future research should consider the potential for confounding by these and other variables and investigate whether place modifies this relationship.

Child marriage could plausibly affect many aspects of maternal and reproductive health through complex causal pathways. However, most of the studies included in our review did not discuss causal mechanisms in detail, which may have hindered their ability to identify and account for various sources of bias. More thorough consideration and discussion of these mechanisms would strengthen the theoretical underpinnings of this body of literature and help mitigate biases. For example, use of Directed Acyclic Graphs to illustrate assumed causal relationships would help to clarify the causal pathways being studied and identify sources of bias [ 86 ].

The effects of child marriage among boys have been almost entirely overlooked. Only 2 of the 58 studies included in this review considered boys or men and one of them was underpowered to generate informative estimates [ 42 ]. This intense focus on child marriage among girls reflects the gendered nature of the practice. However, a substantial proportion of boys also marry before the age of 18 in some countries [ 7 , 24 ] and further inquiry into the health consequences among boys is warranted.

The geographic distribution of research on child marriage and health is highly skewed. The focus on South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa may be justified since these regions have some of the highest rates of child marriage in the world. However, it is unclear why just three countries, India, Bangladesh, and Ethiopia, have received such focused attention while other countries in these regions have received very little. Child marriage is certainly ongoing in many other regions of the world that have received little or no research attention, including high-income countries [ 9 , 87 , 88 ].

The geographic distribution of these studies and the range of outcomes considered is clearly reflective of heavy reliance on the DHS. The DHS is appealing because it collects information on age at marriage that is comparable across settings and over time, data are readily accessible and of high quality, and samples are typically nationally representative. However, defaulting to this data source may also have restricted the range of outcomes studied. The DHS focuses primarily on reproductive health and our review included many studies of the effect of child marriage on fertility, contraceptive use, and intimate partner violence. Far less attention has been paid to other potential harms of child marriage that are not included in the surveys, such as indicators of mental health. Importantly, the DHS does not collect information on some of the strongest confounders of many relationships between child marriage and health, including childhood socioeconomic conditions and measures of gender equality. Other data sources will be necessary to increase the geographic scope of this body of research and to overcome some of the limitations inherent in the use of cross-sectional data to estimate causal effects.

All studies included in our review were at serious to critical risk of bias. Quantification of the net magnitude of different biases on the results of each study would have made the project untenable. Considering pervasive bias, we avoided interpreting the magnitude of reported estimates from individual studies and instead took only the directionality of the estimates at face value. This allowed us to assess the (in)consistency of conclusions within domains of health. However, it is entirely possible that bias could lead to a reversal of effects, i.e., estimating a positive effect when the true effect is negative or vice versa. The bias in these studies means that it is unclear whether any of the relationships described are causal.

Nearly all studies included in our review relied on cross-sectional data. There are severe limitations to using cross-sectional research designs to estimate causal effects, and more rigorous designs are needed to further our understanding of the consequences of child marriage. Quasi-experimental designs that more effectively mitigate confounding would strengthen this body of literature and have already been used to study the effect of child marriage on educational attainment and literacy. For example, Field and Ambrus and Sunder used age at menarche as an instrumental variable to study the effect of child marriage on these outcomes [ 3 , 4 ]. Encouragement trials that randomly assign exposure to interventions meant to prevent child marriage could also be used to estimate the effects of child marriage on health outcomes, though such trials are more resource intensive to conduct [ 89 ]. However, given that the DHS and other cross-sectional data sources will likely continue to be used to investigate these relationships, the use of quantitative bias analyses to examine how sensitive estimates are to various sources of bias would be an improvement [ 90 ].

There are several limitations to this systematic review. First, to capture as wide a range of health outcomes as possible, we searched databases focused on human health and biomedicine. Relevant studies from other academic disciplines such as economics and sociology may have been missed using this approach. Second, our search was conducted in English and all included studies were published in English. Eligible studies published in other languages may have been missed, which could influence our conclusions regarding the geographic distribution of research. Finally, as noted in the introduction, child marriage may have consequences beyond the domain of health. We focused our systematic review on the health consequences of child marriage in response to growing rhetoric regarding child marriage as a population health concern. Rigorous systematic reviews of the effect of child marriage on educational and economic outcomes would be a valuable addition to the literature.

Availability of data and materials

The PROSPERO protocol and the data extraction form are publicly available through the Open Science Foundation at https://osf.io/32mu7/ .

Abbreviations

Body Mass Index

Cross-Sectional

Directed Acyclic Graph

Demographic and Health Surveys

Mid-Upper Arm Circumference

Risk Of Bias In Non-randomised Studies - of Interventions tool

Socio-Economic Status

United Nations Population Fund

United Nations Children’s Fund

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Acknowledgements

We thank Genevieve Gore at the McGill University Library for her assistance in developing the search terms used in this review.

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SF and AK were responsible for the study conception and design. SF conducted database searches. SF and AK screened eligible studies and extracted data from included studies. SF and AK conducted the analysis, interpreted the results, and collaboratively wrote the manuscript. SF prepared the tables and figures. AK supervised the study. The author(s) read and approved the final manuscript.

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Fan, S., Koski, A. The health consequences of child marriage: a systematic review of the evidence. BMC Public Health 22 , 309 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-022-12707-x

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Essay on Child Marriage

Students are often asked to write an essay on Child Marriage in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

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100 Words Essay on Child Marriage

Introduction.

Child marriage is a global issue where a child, usually under 18 years, is married off. This practice affects both girls and boys but it’s more prevalent among girls.

Causes of Child Marriage

Consequences.

Child marriage has severe consequences. It often leads to early pregnancies, health risks, and limits opportunities for education and career growth.

To end child marriage, we need to focus on education, enforce laws against it, and change societal attitudes.

250 Words Essay on Child Marriage

Child marriage, a deeply entrenched social issue, is a practice that involves the marriage of one or both parties before they reach the age of 18. Globally, it is considered a violation of human rights, yet it continues to persist in many societies due to a complex interplay of socio-economic and cultural factors.

The roots of child marriage are multifaceted. Poverty is a significant driver, with families marrying off young daughters to reduce their economic burden. Traditional norms and gender stereotypes also play a role, perpetuating the belief that a girl’s value lies in her ability to become a wife and mother. Furthermore, in some societies, child marriage is used as a strategy to strengthen familial ties or secure political alliances.

Consequences of Child Marriage

The consequences of child marriage are profound and far-reaching. It often results in early pregnancy, posing substantial health risks to young girls whose bodies are not yet mature enough for childbirth. It also hinders girls’ education and personal development, limiting their opportunities and perpetuating cycles of poverty.

Efforts to Combat Child Marriage

Efforts to combat child marriage span from local to global levels. They encompass law enforcement, advocacy for girls’ education, and initiatives to empower girls. However, for these efforts to be effective, it is crucial to address the underlying socio-economic factors that give rise to child marriage.

500 Words Essay on Child Marriage

Child marriage, a prevalent practice in many cultures and societies, is a complex issue that infringes upon the rights and development of children, particularly girls. It is a deep-rooted practice, often perpetuated by poverty, gender inequality, traditions, and lack of education. This essay delves into the implications, causes, and potential solutions to child marriage.

The Implications of Child Marriage

Child marriage poses significant risks to the physical, psychological, and emotional well-being of children. It often leads to early pregnancies, which present health risks for both the mother and the child. Moreover, child brides are more likely to experience domestic violence and are less likely to receive proper education. This practice also perpetuates the cycle of poverty, as child brides are less likely to contribute economically to their communities.

Underlying Causes

The causes of child marriage are multifaceted and deeply entrenched in societal norms and structures. Poverty is a significant factor, with families marrying off their daughters to lessen financial burdens. Gender inequality also plays a crucial role, with girls often valued less in societies, leading to their early marriage. Additionally, traditional beliefs and lack of education contribute to the persistence of this practice.

Legislation and Its Limitations

Addressing child marriage.

Addressing child marriage requires a multifaceted approach. Education is a powerful tool in this regard. Empowering girls through education can help them understand their rights and resist early marriage. Furthermore, educating communities about the detrimental effects of child marriage can foster change in societal attitudes.

Child marriage is a violation of children’s rights and a practice that hampers societal development. While it is deeply entrenched in many societies, a combination of education, economic empowerment, and legal measures can help combat this practice. It is crucial for all stakeholders, including governments, NGOs, and communities, to work together to end child marriage and ensure a better future for all children.

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Public Health Notes

Your partner for better health, child marriage: key facts, causes, consequences and prevention.

June 3, 2022 Rojina Shrestha Global Health 0

Table of Contents

Definition of a Child:

• The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) defines child as “a human being below the age of 18 years unless under the law applicable to the child, majority is attained earlier”
• Simply understanding, any person below the age of 18 years is considered as a child.

Child Marriage:

• Child marriage refers to both the formal marriage or informal union (living with a partner as if married) between the children of 18 years of age.
• CHILD MARRIAGE ENDS CHILDHOOD.
• Child marriage is a global issue fueled by gender inequality, poverty, social norms and insecurity.
• Child marriage disrupts children’s right and places them in high risk of violence, exploitation and abuse.
• Child marriage has devastating impacts all over the world.
• It negatively influences children’s rights to education, health and protection.
• There are many factors that interact to place a child at risk of marriage.
• Child marriage is also a result of interplay of social and economic forces.

Key Facts About Child Marriage:

• Globally, more than half a billion girls and women alive today were married in childhood.
• About 34% and 28% of young women in Sub-Saharan and South Asia respectively were married in childhood. This is a very high number.
• In the Middle East and North Africa, there has been substantial progress in reducing the prevalence of child marriage made over the past 25 years, but progress appears to have slowed within the last decade
• About 40 million girls ages 15-19 are currently married or in a union worldwide.
• Each year, some 12 million more girls will marry before reaching age 18 – and of those, 4 million are under age 15.
• By 2030, it’s estimated that 150 million girls will lose their childhoods due to child marriage.
• In Latin America and the Caribbean, there has been no significant change within last 25 years in child marriage.
• In contrast, a girl’s risk of marrying in childhood in South Asia has declined by more than one third, from nearly 50 percent a decade ago to 28 per cent today.
• However, the global burden of child marriage is shifting from South Asia to Sub-Saharan Africa, where levels of child marriage have only declined at a modest rate
• The COVID-19 pandemic has profoundly affected the everyday lives of girls.
• Assumptions are made that, as a result of the pandemic, over the next decade, up to 10 million more girls will be at risk of becoming child brides.
• Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) states to end child marriage by 2030. But due to the pandemic, the obligation has extended to 10 million more girls whose life is in jeopardy along with 100 million girls who were at risk of becoming bride before the pandemic.
• The marriage of older adolescent girls aged 15-18 is however still commonplace, so more efforts are needed to protect them.

Causes of Child Marriage:

• Gender discrimination
• Tradition and culture
• Inadequate laws
• Poor implementation of laws
• Lack of awareness
• Insecurity of their daughter’s future
• Perceived low status of girls
• Lack of education
• Safety concern over girl children and control over their sexuality
• Lack of awareness of the laws against child marriage
• Dowry system
• Pressure of the society
• Considering girls as a household helper
• Insecurity during war and conflict
• Lack of education and job opportunities for girls

Consequences of Child Marriage:

Although child marriage is applicable to both the boys and girls, its implications are prominent and disproportionate on the girls as compared to boys. The major consequences of child marriage, particularly to the girls, are:

Consequences on Health

1. physical consequences.

• Premature pregnancy
• Higher risk of experiencing dangerous complications in pregnancy and childbirth
• Maternal and infant mortality
• Malnutrition

2. Psychological consequences

• Anxiety and stress (both girls and boys)

Consequences on Education

• Barrier to study
• Increases illiteracy

Consequences on Social Life

1. human rights.

• Violation against child and women rights
• Interrupts freedom and independency
• Girls cannot express their views and needs openly

2. Domestic life

• Increases poverty and can lead to intergenerational cycle of poverty
• Increases domestic violence
• More chances of sexual violence

Preventive Measures:

Different measures to prevent child marriage are:

• Educating and empowering girls as well as their parents
• Mobilizing and educating community
• Introducing new schemes and incentives for promotion of child and women lives
• Proactive role of media in enforcing laws
• Providing relevant economic support to the girl’s family
• Advocate for women as community leader
• Supporting anti child marriage charity and organizations
• Discouraging marriage registration for child marriages
• Strict law and punishment for those who force child to marry
• Creating environment to support child and women rights
• Promote evidence-based advocacy and programs.
• Develop a system to respond to the needs of an adolescent who is at risk of child marriage
• Awareness programs and interventions to shift social expectations relating to the girls
• Engaging men and boys in awareness programs related to child marriage

International Conferences and Conventions on Child Marriage:

1. Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR)  states child marriage is a violation of Article 16(2) which says “Marriage shall be entered into only with the free and full consent of the intending spouses.”

2. Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) often referred as women’s bill of rights states that women should have the same right as men to “freely choose a spouse and to enter into marriage only with their free and full consent”, and that the “betrothal and marriage of a child shall have no legal effect” in its article 16.

3. Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC): In signing the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), governments also committed to take “all effective and appropriate measures with a view to abolish traditional practices prejudicial to the health of the children,” 3 which includes, among other practices, female genital mutilation/cutting and child marriage.

4. Convention on Consent to Marriage , 1994 has set the minimum age limits for marriage and marriage registration to be mandatory

5. International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD): In a landmark international consensus, the Programme of Action adopted by the ICPD in 1994, countries agreed on measures to eliminate child marriage as well as to “strictly enforce laws to ensure that marriage is entered into only with the free and full consent of the intending spouses”

6. Sustainable Development Goal (SDG): The elimination of child marriage by 2030 is a target under the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

References and For More Information:

https://data.unicef.org/topic/child-protection/child-marriage/

https://thedocs.worldbank.org/en/doc/134161519943385981-0050022017/original/WBL2017ChildMarriageLaws.pdf

https://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/minimumageformarriage.aspx

https://nepal.unfpa.org/en/node/15217

https://www.unicef.org/rosa/what-we-do/child-protection/child-marriage#:~:text=Child%20Marriage%20is%20defined%20as,disproportionately%2C%20especially%20in%20South%20Asia .

https://www.unfpa.org/child-marriage-frequently-asked-questions

https://www.girlsnotbrides.org/documents/1198/International-and-Regional-Standards-for-Protection-from-Child-Marriage-June-2013.pdf

https://learning.nspcc.org.uk/child-protection-system/children-the-law

https://www.unicef.org/child-rights-convention/convention-text-childrens-version

https://www.unicef.org/rosa/what-we-do/child-protection/child-marriage#:~:text=ROSA%2F2017%2FBronstein-,Challenge,a%20partner%20as%20if%20married .

https://www.icrw.org/files/images/Causes-Consequences-and%20Solutions-to-Forced-Child-Marriage-Anju-Malhotra-7-15-2010.pdf

https://www.unicef.org/india/what-we-do/end-child-marriage

https://www.savethechildren.org/us/charity-stories/child-marriage-a-violation-of-child-rights

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• key facts regarding child marriage
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• Child marriage

Child marriage threatens the lives, well-being and futures of girls around the world.

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Child marriage refers to any formal marriage or informal union between a child under the age of 18 and an adult or another child.

Despite a steady decline in this harmful practice over the past decade, child marriage remains widespread, with approximately one in five girls married in childhood across the globe. Today, multiple crises – including conflict, climate shocks and the ongoing fallout from COVID-19 – are threatening to reverse progress towards eliminating this human rights violation. The United Nations Sustainable Development Goals call for global action to end child marriage by 2030.

Child marriage is often the result of entrenched gender inequality, making girls disproportionately affected by the practice. Globally, the prevalence of child marriage among boys is just one sixth that among girls.

Child marriage robs girls of their childhood and threatens their well-being. Girls who marry before 18 are more likely to experience domestic violence and less likely to remain in school. They have worse economic and health outcomes than their unmarried peers, which are eventually passed down to their own children, straining a country’s capacity to provide quality health and education services.

Child brides often become pregnant during adolescence, when the risk of complications during pregnancy and childbirth increases. The practice can also isolate girls from family and friends, taking a heavy toll on their mental health.

UNICEF's response

Addressing child marriage requires recognition of the factors that enable it. While the roots of the practice vary across countries and cultures, poverty, lack of educational opportunities and limited access to health care perpetuate it. Some families marry off their daughters to reduce their economic burden or earn income. Others may do so because they believe it will secure their daughters’ futures or protect them.

Norms and stereotypes around gender roles, as well as the socio-economic risk of pregnancy outside of marriage, also uphold the practice.

Because UNICEF works with a range of stakeholders – from grassroots organizations to high-level decision makers – across a scope of rights issues, we are uniquely positioned to identify and address the systemic barriers to reproductive health and gender equality.

In 2016, UNICEF, together with UNFPA , launched the Global Programme to End Child Marriage . Empowering young girls at risk of marriage or already in union, the programme have reached more than 21 million adolescent girls with life-skills training, comprehensive sexuality education and school attendance support since 2016. Over 353 million people, including key community influencers as well as men and boys specifically, have also engaged in dialogue and communication campaigns to support adolescent girls, or other efforts to end child marriage.

Last updated July 2023

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Child Marriage: Origin, Reason, Effects And Laws

Introduction.

In India, marriage is a social institution according to which our society perpetuates. It is a means of establishing a family relation. It is not just a union of a girl and a boy but it is a union of two families. It has many forms of rituals and ceremonies. In India, approximately one in four young women are married before their 18 th birthday. This marriage is known as Child Marriage.

According to Indian law, child marriage is a marriage where either the woman is below 18 or the man is below 21. Child marriage is defined by The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006 as child marriage is a marriage about to be solemnized, to which either of the contracting parties is a child and child for a purpose of marriage is defined based on the gender of the person. If male, it is 21 years of age, and if a female, it is 18 years of age.

Origin of Child Marriage

It is believed that at the time of Muslim invasions (1000 years ago), they used to rape unmarried Hindu girls which lead the Hindu community to marry off their daughters at an early age to protect them.

During the period of Sultans, child marriage was practiced and the status of women was very poor.

According to Dham sutras, a girl should marry only after attaining the age of puberty. According to Manu smriti, if the father fails to marry his daughter within 3 years of the age of her puberty, she herself can find her husband. According to Medhatithi’s Bhashya, eight-year is the right age for a girl to marriage. According to Tolkappiyam, boys should marry before the age of sixteen while the age of girls should be twelve.

Those areas with little or no economic opportunities think that child marriage is a tool to make a girls’ better future as girls are considered as the property of someone else since birth.

Reasons for Child Marriage

1. poverty of a family –.

In rural areas, female children are denied their equality. They are a victim of the poverty of the family. The poor family considers the female child as a burden so to avoid this burden, they give her hand to someone else to release themselves from the burden of her duties.

2. Social insecurity –

According to some people, a married woman is much safer than an unmarried woman because unmarried women are seen as malafide intentions which lead to crimes against women. To protect them from assaults, teasing, and other offenses, parents are in a hurry to marry their daughters as soon as she attains puberty.

3. Refuse to share ancestral property –

In some rural areas, parents use to think that their property belongs to their son only and if their daughter gets married at an earlier age, they will be out of the share.

4. Refuse to educate a female child –

Generally, families discriminate between boys and girls. They invest for the education of male children as they are considered as future assets and economic base of the house while female children are considered as the burden of the family because according to the female child do not need to do any work but need to look after the household works before and after marriage.

5. Social customs and Traditions –

This reason still defines the mindset of particular castes and communities in society. Child marriage in India is practiced since the invasion of the Mughals and then the Britishers. It was performed to protect the young girls from abduction and social abuse.

6. Patriarchal system-

The modern scenario of child marriage in India revolves around the patriarchal system. Girls do not have much say when it comes to their sexual rights and freedom. It is the male who possesses more power in such matters.

Effects of Child Marriage

1. early pregnancy –.

Child marriage in India imposes multiple hardships upon both girls and boys. The male child has to take up the responsibility of his wife. The girl child has to indulge in sexual intercourse even when she is not prepared both mentally and physically. Unwanted and multiple pregnancies suck the life out of her. The painful process of childbirth may also cause the death of the young mother. Miscarriages are common in young brides. Even if the childbirth is without any complications, the mother and child suffer from malnutrition and poor weight. Their immunity is low due to which they fall sick frequently.

2. Inabilities to plan or manage families –

Young children have less ability to make decisions about their nutrition, healthcare and household management.

3. Desire for the male child –

Young girls are forced to conceive many times till the birth of a male child.

4. Difference in the age of bride and groom –

In most child marriages, it is the girl who is a child and not the boy. When the girl is a child, she naturally does not have any freedom to express her opinions and has to blindly obey the orders of her husband.

5. Economic effect of Child Marriage –

By far the largest economic cost related to child marriage is from its impact on fertility and population growth. By contributing to larger families and, in turn, population growth, child marriage delays the demographic dividend that can come from reduced fertility and investment in education.

The International Center for Research on Women (ICRW) and the World Bank have been collaborating on a multi-year research project to assess these impacts and costs

Laws on Child marriage

1. the child marriage (restraint act), 1929-.

This is the first act that regulates child marriage by prescribing the required age of marriage for both parties to the marriage across India. It aims to restrain child marriage.

In Sushila Gothala v State of Rajasthan [i] , the court held that the minimum age of marriage for a girl and boy is 18 and 21 years respectively.

2. The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006-

This act aims to punish those who are involved in the performance of child marriage and to provide a legal opportunity to the spouses of children marriage to repudiate the marriage by way of a decree of nullity.

3. Child Marriage and offence of rape (IPC) [ii] –

The main cause of child marriage is a physical relationship between a husband and a wife and the procreation of children. Section 376 of the Indian Penal Code, 1860 states that in certain cases sexual intercourse with or without consent is an offense of rape. Exception 2 of this section states that

“Sexual intercourse or sexual act by a man with hid own wife, the wife not being under the age of 15 years, is not rape.”

If the wife is above 18 and the sexual intercourse happens with her consent, then it amounts to no rape. If she is above 18 but sexual intercourse happens without her consent then it amounts to rape. If she is below 18 and sexual intercourse happens with or without consent then it is termed as rape. If the girl is above 15 and she is a wife then sexual intercourse with or without her consent is no rape. If the girl is a wife and below 15 then sexual intercourse with or without consent is rape.

4. Law Commission of India Report-

Its report recommended following things-

• Child Marriage below 18 should be prohibited
• Marriage below 16 is void while between 16-18 is voidable
• Maintenance and custody applied to both void and voidable marriages
• Registration is compulsory

5. Child Marriage in Hindu Marriage Act, 1955-

According to this act, child marriage is neither void nor voidable. There are no provisions to punish the parents or people who solemnized the marriage. A girl can get married only if she wants to get married before attaining 15 years and she challenges the marriage before 18 years.

In Neetu Singh v The State , the High Court of Delhi laid down that marriage of minors is neither void nor voidable, but is punishable.

6. Child marriage in Muslim Personal Law-

It is presumed that a Muslim attained majority at the age of 15. Capacity in which Muslim can marry:

7. Indian Christian Marriage Act-

If the marriage is to be contracted between the minors, a preliminary notice is to be issued 14 days prior to the marriage. After the expiry of said period, the parties can marry without the consent of their guardians.

Government’s Initiative

The government took major steps to eradicate the evil of child marriage in our society. If anyone performs the children’s marriage, they shall be punished with simple imprisonment which may extend to three months and shall also be liable to a fine, unless he proves that the marriage is not a child marriage.

Suggestions

• We should develop a support system to educate girl child.
• Providing economic support and incentives to girls and their families
• Educate parents and community members
• Encourage supportive laws and policies

Child marriage is considered as one of the social evils which can’t be removed easily without the support of society. We have seen many reasons for children’s marriage, its causes and effects. From the above topics, it can be concluded that if we marry too early, it can affect our reproductive and sexual health the most. The child bride suffers from high rates of complications such as premature delivery, miscarriages and stillbirths.

Those laws will not serve the purpose if society does not cooperate. Uniform Civil Code will also help to prevent child marriages in India.

[i] 2002 (5) WLN 246

[ii] Indian Penal Code

This Article is Authored by Evemastushree, 2nd Year BA.LLB Student at Guru Ghasidas University

Also Read – Child Marriage In India – History And Current Position

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Exploring the Consequences of Early Marriage: A Conventional Content Analysis

Javad yoosefi lebni.

1 Health Education and Health Promotion, School of Health, Iran University of Medical Sciences, Tehran, Iran

Mahnaz Solhi

2 Department of Education and Health Promotion, School of Health, Iran University of Medical Sciences, Tehran, Iran

Farbod Ebadi Fard Azar

Farideh khalajabadi farahani.

3 Department of Population & Health, National Population Studies & Comprehensive Management Institute, Tehran, Iran

Seyed Fahim Irandoost

4 Department of Community Medicine, School of Medicine,Urmia University of Medical Sciences, Urmia, Iran

Associated Data

Supplemental material, sj-docx-1-inq-10.1177_00469580231159963 for Exploring the Consequences of Early Marriage: A Conventional Content Analysis by Javad Yoosefi Lebni, Mahnaz Solhi, Farbod Ebadi Fard Azar, Farideh Khalajabadi Farahani and Seyed Fahim Irandoost in INQUIRY: The Journal of Health Care Organization, Provision, and Financing

Early marriage is one of the most important social issues for young women and can have many consequences. The present study aimed to explore the consequences of early marriage among Kurdish women in western Iran who were married under the age of 18. This qualitative study was conducted with the approach of conventional content analysis. The data were collected through semi-structured interviews with 30 women selected by purposeful sampling. Data analysis was performed using Graneheim and Lundman’s method. A total of 389 codes, 12 subcategories, 4 sub-categories, and 2 main categories were extracted from the data analysis. Negative consequences of early marriage include: 1—physical and psychological problems (high-risk pregnancy and childbirth, physical illnesses, depression, and emotional distress); 2—family problems (dissatisfaction with married life, experience of having lots of responsibility, lack of independence in family life); 3—social problems (risky social behaviors, lack of access to social and health services, social isolation, lack of access to a job, and educational opportunities); and 4—positive consequences, including receiving intra-family support, improving living conditions, and opportunities for progress and empowerment. It is possible to reduce problems and challenges after early marriage by increasing the awareness and knowledge of young women about contraceptives and providing appropriate social and health facilities, and services during pregnancy. Providing the necessary training and psychological counseling for them and their husbands on how to deal with personal problems and marital life will be effective to a great extent.

• What do we already know about this topic?
• Early marriage is associated with the following: non-use of contraceptives before the first delivery; high fertility (3 or more births); repeated pregnancy in less than three months; unwanted pregnancies; more domestic violence, including various forms of physical, emotional, and sexual violence; depression; the risk of getting sexually transmitted diseases; and preterm birth.
• How does your research contribute to the field?
• Few qualitative studies have been conducted on the consequences of early marriage in Iran and around the world. Therefore, the current research can reveal the hidden layers of this issue, and its results can be provided to site developers and planners to take action to improve the health of children who experience early marriage.
• What are your research’s implications for theory, practice, or policy?
• Early marriage brings many negative consequences for women, such as physical and mental problems and family and social challenges. Of course, in some cases, it can bring positive consequences, such as receiving support within the family, improving living conditions, and the opportunity for advancement and empowerment.

Introduction

In the last 3 decades, many national and international organizations have paid extensive attention to children’s rights. 1 One of the violations of children’s rights is early marriage, 2 which refers to marriage under the age of 18, 3 and it can have devastating consequences for both genders. However, it is regarded as an example of gender discrimination because it is more harmful to girls. 4 It is estimated that almost 5 times as many girls as boys are married under the age of 18, and about 250 million of them marry before the age of 13. 3 The rate of early marriage varies from country to country; Africa and Western Europe have the highest and lowest rates, respectively. 5 In Iran, the minimum legal age for the marriage of girls is 13, but men can marry girls under 13 with a judge’s order. 6 The prevalence of early marriage in rural areas of Iran is reported at 19.6 and in urban areas at 13.7. 7 In the first 9 months of 2016 in Iran, 13 820 cases of marriage under the age of 18 were registered. But the actual figures for early marriage appear to be higher than the official figures because many cases of early marriage occur within families and are not officially registered. 8

Early marriage in other countries occurs for reasons such as cultural beliefs, 9 social norms, 10 poverty, 11 control over girls, 12 and religion. 13 Low literacy and lack of awareness among girls and their parents, lack of decision-making power and authority of girls, gaining social prestige and support, and poverty have been identified as the most important causes of early marriage of girls in Iran. 6 , 14

There are many devastating consequences of early marriage. In a study, early marriage was significantly associated with non-use of contraceptives before the first delivery, high fertility (3 or more births), and repeated pregnancies—women becoming pregnant again within 3 months of giving birth. 15 A study on behavioral control and spousal violence toward women in Pakistan found that women who were married as children experienced more behavioral control than adult women. They also experienced more domestic violence, including various forms of physical and emotional violence. 16 Irani and Roudsari, in 2019, also showed in a review study that early marriage in girls was associated with death during childbirth, physical and sexual violence, depression, the risk of getting sexually transmitted diseases, and preterm birth. 17 A qualitative study conducted by Mardi et al in 2018 in Ardabil, Iran, showed that adolescent girls confronted experiences such as misunderstanding of sexual relations, death of dreams, and decreased independence. Also, the results of their study showed that adolescent girls could not understand life opportunities, and health care providers and policymakers needed to make adolescents aware of the negative consequences of early marriage and prevent them from doing it. 18

In Iran, few qualitative studies have been conducted on the consequences of early marriage, and none of the studies have been conducted in Kurdish regions. Since the study population is different in terms of ethnicity, language, and culture from other parts of Iran, and according to the experiences of the first author of the article, who has been conducting research on women in this area for many years, it seemed that a separate study should qualitatively examine the consequences of early marriage in this region. Therefore, the present study aimed to explore the consequences of early marriage among Kurdish women in western Iran.

Design and Participants

This qualitative study employed the conventional content analysis method. 19 Qualitative content analysis is an appropriate and coherent method for textual data analysis that is used with the aim of a better understanding of the phenomenon. In conventional content analysis, categories and subcategories are obtained directly from interviews or group discussions. 20 - 22

The study population consisted of married women who had married under the age of 18. The following criteria were used to select participants: having been married under the age of 18, being under 25 at the time of the study, residing in one of the 2 Kurdish provinces of Kermanshah or Kurdistan at the time of marriage, and willingness to participate in research.

Kermanshah and Kurdistan provinces are located in the west of Iran. These 2 provinces have many cultural and social commonalities. The people of both provinces are Kurds and speak Kurdish. Also, economically, both provinces are almost on the same level.

The purposeful sampling method was used in this study. The researchers proceeded to the study area after obtaining the ethics approval (IR.IUMS.REC.1397.1225) from the Iran University of Medical Sciences. Study participants were included based on inclusion criteria after collecting addresses from the selected health centers. Before beginning the interview sessions, the researchers explained the goals and objectives to the participants and written consent was obtained from all participants.

Data Collection

The information needed for the study was obtained through semi-structured face-to-face interviews. All interviews were conducted by a woman with a master’s degree in women’s studies who was familiar with qualitative research and semi-structured interviews. No men were present during the interviews so that the participants could quickly share their experiences with the researcher. All the interviews were recorded using a recorder, and note-taking was done during the interviews. The researcher initially chose a quiet place for the interview in coordination with the participant so that the interviews were conducted without the presence of another person, and the researcher tried to elicit the required information from the participants by creating a sincere atmosphere. First, she asked general questions. Then, after creating an empathetic atmosphere, she asked the more sensitive questions. At the beginning of each interview, in addition to stating the goals and necessity of the study, provided a brief description of their scientific resume. Then the interview started with a few questions about demographic characteristics, such as age and education, and continued with the main questions ( Table 1 ). The authors designed the interview questions and sent them to 3 participants as a test to ensure they could achieve the research objectives with the designed questions, which were approved. It then ended with short complementary questions to get the depth and breadth of the answers. The place and time of the interview were determined by the participants, mostly in places such as their homes, libraries, cultural places, parks, and other public places. The duration of the interviews varied for each participant, but the average time was 68 minutes. The interview was conducted in Kurdish and translated into Persian by the article’s first author. After data analysis, an expert translated all parts of the article into English. The first author assisted the translator, who explained any unclear parts to the translator so they could be translated better.

Interview Guide.

The researchers stopped the interviews when saturation occurred, and data saturation occurs when no new data are obtained from the interviews. 23 Conceptual saturation occurred in interview 23 when the codes were repetitive, but the researchers conducted 7 more interviews to gain greater confidence and prevent false saturation, reaching 30 people. Finally, data saturation was achieved after 30 interviews. Data collection and analysis began in July 2019 and ended on April 13, 2020.

Data Analysis

The data analysis process was performed using the 5 steps suggested by Graneheim and Lundman. 19 In the first step, the corresponding author and first author of the article listened to all the interviews that were recorded, once individually and then together. Later, they typed all the interviews in Microsoft Word. In the second step, the texts of the interviews were read several times to gain an understanding of the whole text. In the third step, the texts were read word for word, and thus, the codes were retrieved. The open codes were then categorized under more general headings. In the fourth step, the codes were categorized into categories based on their similarities and differences, and how they were related was determined. In the last step, the data were placed in the main categories, which were more abstract and more conceptual ( Table 2 ). The analysis of the data was done manually, and all the authors of the article monitored the process and expressed their views in separate meetings.

An Example of Data Analysis.

Ethical Considerations

The researchers went to the health centers of the surveyed cities and villages after receiving the ethics approval (IR.IUMS.REC.1397.1225) from the Iran University of Medical Sciences. The health centers were asked to identify women who met the study’s eligibility criteria and collect their contact information. When contacting the women, they were asked to determine the time and place of the interview. Then the researchers visited the people’s homes and invited them to participate by stating the research’s goals and necessity.

Trustworthiness

To confirm the validity and consistency of the study, the researchers used the Lincoln and Guba criteria. 24 To gain credibility in this study, the participants were selected based on who had the most diversity in terms of socioeconomic characteristics. Then the findings were given to 8 participants, and they expressed their views on the matching of the findings to their experiences of early marriage. In addition, because the researchers were natives of the study areas and had experience conducting qualitative research on Kurdish women, they could easily communicate with participants and obtain good information from them. To gain confirmability, the researchers sent the data analysis process to 4 people who were familiar with the principles of qualitative research and had experience conducting research on early marriage, and later, their supplementary feedback was used. To gain dependability, all the authors of the article participated in the process of analysis and coding, and the opinions of all members of the research team were used. Also, in order to obtain transferability, in addition to presenting many direct quotes from the participants, a detailed description of the whole research process was provided to the readers in this article ( Supplemental File 1 ). The results of the study were also given to 4 women who had similar characteristics to the participants in the project but did not participate in the study. They were asked to state whether they agreed with the research outcome and whether they had similar experiences with the participants in this study. Then they accepted the results of the study.

The study ended with the participation of 30 women, whose demographic characteristics are shown in Table 3 . After analyzing the data, 389 open codes, 14 subcategories, 4 categories, and 2 main categories were extracted, which are described below ( Table 4 ).

Demographic Characteristics of Participants.

Main Categories, Categories, Subcategories, and Codes Extracted From the Analysis of Interviews.

Negative Consequences of Early Marriage

Early marriage posed many challenges for women at various individual, family, and social levels, leading most participants to regret the marriage.

1—Physical and psychological problems

Marriage during childhood endangered women’s health and forced them to deal with additional medical and psychological issues, such as high-risk pregnancies and births, physical problems, yearning and remorse, and psychological difficulties.

High-risk pregnancies and childbirths

Most adolescent women had little awareness and knowledge about contraceptives due to the taboo of talking about sexual issues in Iran. These issues were never fully explained to adolescent women, so their knowledge was limited. Therefore, most adolescent women became pregnant accidentally, and since they had no preparation for this and had not received pregnancy knowledge in adolescence, they experienced several challenges that risked their and their child’s health.

“Honestly, I didn’t want to get pregnant, but I didn’t know how to prevent it. There was no one to guide me. I became pregnant very soon.” (Participant, 5) “I have had two abortions. Most of those who get married at a young age have such an experience.” (Participant, 14) “I really wanted to give birth naturally, but I couldn’t give birth to my baby, so I had a cesarean section.” (Participant, 28) “For the first four years of my life, I was pregnant all the time and my baby was not born alive. My body had nothing left.” (Participant, 17) “I became very weak after my child’s birth, and I had a lot of problems.” (Participant, 30)

Since adolescent women did not have the proper knowledge and skills of contraception, they usually became pregnant unwantedly soon after marriage, and because they were not physically and mentally ready for childbirth, they tackled many problems, which endangered the health of mothers and newborn children, and it may have even led to the death of both.

Having physical illnesses

Some girls who got married in childhood confronted many physical problems and got pregnant, which could affect their health and reduce their quality of life. Most of these girls who got married early were from humble families, and on the one hand, they had financial problems in preparing proper food, and on the other hand, they did not eat nutritious food due to their lack of nutrition knowledge. Therefore, they confronted many physical problems. The pressures of early pregnancy could also exacerbate the disease and physical problems.

“I had my first abortion, then I had a nosebleed two months later. I went to the doctor. They told me that my blood pressure had gone up. Every once in a while, my blood pressure rises, and it bothers me.” (Participant, 4) “I don’t know, maybe I’m wrong, but I feel like the marriage made me have a severe headache. I went to a doctor, and he said I had a migraine.” (Participant, 10) “I’m young, but every part of my body is in pain. Sometimes my backache drives me crazy.” (Participant, 18)

Girls who got married during childhood had many physical problems after the marriage that could endanger their health and lower their quality of life.

Depression and emotional distress

The experience of love and having children is one of the sweetest moments in most women’s lives, but most women who got married in childhood did not get this sweet experience since most of their marriages were traditional and without love and affection. Therefore, most adolescent women became pregnant accidentally, and since they had no preparation for this and had not received pregnancy knowledge in adolescence, they experienced several challenges that risked their and their child’s health. Also, the fact that many girls were forced to drop out of school after marriage, which made them regret that they did not continue their education in order to have a job. This lack of a job and sufficient literacy caused them to have less self-confidence. These events increased the problems and challenges of adolescent women, while they had neither the training nor the skills to cope with any of these challenges, so in some cases, these women saw no other way but to end their lives and commit the severest and most violent type of suicide attempts, i.e., self-immolation.

“I never had the childhood that I always yearned for. I always wanted to ride a bike, but they forced me to marry. “After marriage, if you ride a bike, everyone will blame you.” (Participant, 20) “When I see some of my friends getting married with love and affection, my heart breaks, and I feel very sorry that I wish I had fallen in love.” “It’s annoying that I can’t experience love anymore.” (Participant, 30) “I cry when I hear from some people that the best experiences of their lives are being married and having children because it has been the worst experience of my life.” (Participant, 3) “I regret when I thought I could enjoy my marriage and having children, but because of my early marriage, everything was ruined.” (Participant, 1) “I haven’t laughed from the bottom of my heart for a long time. I’m always sad for getting married early. I’m not in the mood for anyone. My sister tells me I’m depressed.” (Participant, 12) “I have decided several times to kill myself and get rid of this life. Once I poured oil on myself, but as soon as I lit the fire, my brother-in-law understood and did not let me kill myself.” (Participant, 12) “My self-confidence is very low. I feel worthless. I don’t like to be with others at all. When I want to talk, I mispronounce some words.” (Participant, 20)

Early marriage prevents a child from experiencing childhood and adolescence like their peers. Marriage can be marvelous experience for many people, but early marriage turns it into one of the worst events of girls’ lives. These issues could lead girls who had been married as children to face a lot of yearnings and regrets. Also, when these young women saw their successful peers who had been educated and had a job, they inevitably compared it with their lives and circumstances and have more regret. Early marriage puts a lot of pressure on women, causing them a lot of psychological harm, and because they have no skills or abilities to solve these problems, it lowers their self-confidence and increases their feelings of inferiority. As a result, it led to depression, and in the end, it could even lead to suicide.

2—Family problems

Families, in which early marriage is common are more fragile than other families due to their circumstances and face many problems and in some cases these problems can destroy the functioning of that family.

Dissatisfaction with married life

As previously mentioned, most girls who married in childhood lost the opportunity to continue their education, learn skills, and get a job, and thus, they became financially dependent on their husbands. In some cases, their husbands have abused this financial dependency, giving women less money and necessities of life, and somehow using economic or financial violence against them. Adolescent women also entered into married life without any skills or education, and in some cases, their husbands may be young and have no skills and training for married life. Consequently, women may undergo sexual violence from the beginning. And after marriage, there were some problems in their genitals, as some participants said that on the wedding night, they were bothered and hurt because they or their partner did not know how to have sex. They may also be subjected to physical and psychological violence due to their lack of marital management skills and their poor position in married life.

In some marriages, the age gap between couples was so huge that they had no understanding of each other, so in many cases, either divorce occurred, or they tolerated each other only to avoid the restrictions and problems after getting a divorce. Most women said they did not have a desired married life, which in some cases led to divorce, and if they were still in a relationship, there was an emotional separation and sexual dissatisfaction.

“I’m not financially independent. Every time I ask my husband for money, he annoys me a lot to give me money. Sometimes he forces me to stop another request for the money he gives me.” (Participant, 14) “It’s been less than two months since our marriage, my husband gave me a beating. He is very violent. He often beats me for trivial things.”(Participant, 15) “I’ve heard a lot of insults from my husband. He says a lot of ugly things to me. Sometimes he yells at me in the family gathering and says ugly things to me.” (Participant, 1) “I didn’t know much about sex in the beginning, so I didn’t know how to please my husband. My husband sometimes got angry and told me I didn’t know anything, and he would do whatever he wanted, even if I wasn’t happy.” (Participant, 8) “I was very annoyed the first night and that’s why I never enjoy sex anymore. Every time we do this, I get more annoyed. My sister, who got married early, says like me, she doesn’t enjoy it at all.” (Participant, 25) “My husband and I don’t understand each other at all. Sometimes we don’t talk for ten minutes in a week. If it weren’t for my baby, I would separate.” (Participant, 23) “I had a disagreement and argument with my husband from the very beginning of my life. He said “you don’t know anything”. Our life wasn’t good at all. We fought with each other all the time and I had to divorce him.” (Participant, 12) “My husband and I have a big age difference, so we can’t satisfy each other sexually.” (Participant, 6)

Girls who married as adolescents had lower levels of awareness, abilities, and power in adulthood, as well as an understanding of social rights, sexual dilemmas, and marriage and their spouses mistreated them. Furthermore, since they grew up in a traditional environment where discussing sex was usually frowned upon and they had not been adequately acquainted with sex in the educational system, they lacked a solid knowledge of sex and were unable to meet the needs of their husbands. They were sexually assaulted and may have suffered serious injuries. Some of the participants were forced to marry or married owing to poor social and economic situations, without love or desire, and had a significant age gap with their spouses. As a result, they had numerous troubles in life and were dissatisfied with their marriage.

Experience of having a lot of responsibility

Many wives, even though they were still children, were forced to take on various responsibilities that put a lot of pressure on them. In fact, teenage girls were forced to take on responsibilities as a wife for which they were not yet prepared. But this was not the end of the story, because they added another responsibility with their early pregnancy. If they were unlucky that in the event of the death of their husband, they had to take on the responsibility of the head of the household, and taking on all these responsibilities without receiving any training and support can endanger their health and even their future.

“When I got married, I was very young. I used to watch cartoons at my father-in-law’s house. My husband argued with me many times about this. He said, ‘Why are you behaving like this? You grew up. You mustn’t watch the cartoon.’ ”(Participant, 26) “We lived with my husband’s family. They expected me to behave like a perfect woman, but I didn’t know many things. Whenever they had guests, they would argue with me a lot, saying my behavior was wrong.” (Participant, 2) “When my husband died, I was 17 years old and had a two-month-old baby. I had to be both a father and a mother to my child while I was still a child.” (Participant, 4) “It wasn’t until a month after we got married that I realized I was pregnant. I got confused; I didn’t know what to do. I was just crying. I was a child myself. When my baby was born, I couldn’t protect her at all.” (Participant, 23) “I was a child myself, but I was expected to be both a good wife and a good mother. No one understood me.” (Participant, 29) “I feel like I didn’t have a typical adolescent experience like others. I knew I had been thrust from my childhood into the adult world. It is really difficult to adjust to married life.” (Participant No. 1)

With early marriage, children were forced to take on several different responsibilities at the same time. Each of these responsibilities had its own importance, and because they had no training for any of these roles, they were under a lot of pressure.

Lack of independence in family life

When women got married in childhood, they had very little power in their married lives because they did not know many issues related to life. Also, because they lived with the husband’s family, in many cases, they interfered in the young couple’s life under the pretext of instructing them on the issues of married life so that they made the final decision in their personal issues and decided for them what to do and what not to do. This may happen in all stages of life and is not only related to the early years of married life. Several participants stated that even after having children, the husband’s family had made the main decisions in their lives.

“My husband makes his decisions without telling me anything.” He hasn’t asked my opinion at all. (Participant, 8) “My mother-in-law makes a lot of decisions for me.” She says, “You are very young.” “You don’t have much experience.” (Participant, 4) “I can’t even wear my favourite clothes; I didn’t want to have children at all, but my husband’s family kept on me about it, so I had to do it.” (Participant, 2) “When you get married as a child, everyone likes to interfere in your life because they think you don’t understand anything about life.” (Participant, 30) “I wanted to name my daughter whatever I liked, but my husband and his family chose something else.” “They didn’t ask me if I liked this name or not.” (Participant, 18)

Girls become more vulnerable in their married lives as a result of early marriage, and they have less bargaining and negotiating power to achieve their goals. There should also be space for others to interfere, as adults think that the young bride does not have enough experience and should be trained to live, so they allow themselves to interfere in their most personal matters.

3—Social problems

In addition to individual and family problems, young women also faced problems and limitations in society that could make their living conditions more difficult.

Risky social behaviors

Since most women married in childhood out of compulsion or unawareness and it was rare for them to marry out of love and affection, they faced difficulties in married life because they were not emotionally supported in the family. Moreover, they wanted to fill this emotional void by building up emotional or even sexual relationships outside the family. Early marriage could lead to other high-risk behaviors, such as smoking and alcohol consumption. In rare cases, women resorted to alcohol and smoking to endure post-marital conditions and to reduce or alleviate their pain. Of course, sometimes, due to their young age and big age difference with their husbands, they had less power in the family, so if their husbands were addicted to drugs, they may have forced young women to use drugs.

“My husband and I have a big age difference. We cannot understand each other at all. We also have sexual problems. “My husband cannot satisfy me much, so I sometimes have sex with other people to satisfy my sexual needs.” (Participant. 7) “I’m 22 years younger than my husband. We don’t understand each other at all. “I often go on social networks and talk with other people.” (Participant, 17) “For the first few years of my life, I just cried.” My husband is a smoker. “I started smoking; at first he disagreed, but then he didn’t say anything to me.” (Participant, 2) “In order to think less about my life and grieve less, I sometimes drink.” “We always have it in the fridge; my husband drinks a lot.” (Participant, 14)

Marriage in childhood causes many problems for girls. In some cases, these girls were drawn to risky social behaviors to get rid of these conditions or to endure them.

Lack of access to social and health services

Adolescent women needed a lot of social and health services after marriage due to the physical condition of pregnancy and the psychological pressures of married life in order to cope with the new situation. However, in the study area, there was no special service for these women, and they were left alone and helpless. This could make the process of adapting to the new life more difficult for them. Also, most married teenage women had low literacy due to early marriage and dropping out of school. In many cases, they were not able to use modern technologies, so they were not familiar with the internet. Therefore, they could not use its contents to raise their awareness and knowledge of the issues of married life.

“They do not provide us with any health services.” “Even when we become pregnant, there is no organisation to support us.” (Participant, 3) “We face many problems during and after pregnancy, but the government and other organisations do not help us at all, and sometimes we are even reprimanded in hospitals.” (Participant, 17) “When I got married, I didn’t know many things. “There was no special place for me to ask for their help and advice.” (Participant, 11) “I studied until the third grade of elementary school. I don’t know much about education. I can’t even work with new phones. “I don’t know anything about the Internet, either.” (Participant, 15) “I and all those who got married at a really young age have our own special needs, but there is no special place for us.” (Participant, 29)

Despite the many social and health needs of girls who had experienced early marriage, there was no institution or organization in society to support these girls, and no special training or privileges were provided for them. Lack of sufficient literacy and media skills and abilities was another problem for these women, which made them not even know how to find the answers to their questions.

Social isolation

According to the culture and customs of the society under study, when a woman gets married, she needs to devote all her time and attention to her family and spend less time with her friends, especially her single friends. This issue causes girls who get married early to stay away from their peers. Likewise, when they dropped out of school due to marriage and became pregnant, they had to stay home full time and raise their children. Therefore, most of these women were socially isolated, and their circle of social relationships became limited. This issue can cause many psychological and social problems for them.

“When I got married, I cut off most of my school friends.” Nobody was left. “I felt very bad.” (Participant, 6) “My husband doesn’t like me to be in a relationship with my single friends.” “I had nobody left to confide in.” (Participant, 20) “In my husband’s family, those who are married are all too old, and I cannot be intimate with single people.” That’s why I have more relationships with people who are older than me. We cannot understand each other. “I hate having to deal with people who are older than me, and we don’t understand each other.” (Participant, 17) “After marriage, I had to stay at home all the time.” My husband is the driver of a big truck. He’s been at home for at least 4-5 days. When he leaves, I have to stay home. Because he dislikes it, I go somewhere alone. (Participant, 26)

Girls who married young were cut off from their peers’ worlds and were forced to have relationships with people their older age. This made them less inclined to have relationships with others, which in turn led to more social isolation. Also, it was not culturally acceptable for married women to associate with single girls. So, girls who have early marriages will soon be separated from their peers.

Lack of access to job and educational opportunities

Most participants stated that after marriage, they were forced to drop out of school or had studied for a short time. So, they did not have the opportunity to learn a skill due to marrying early and getting busy with life and child care.

“I was 16 when I got married, and then I had to drop out of school. My husband used to say, “Why does a woman want to study!?” (Participant, 2) “I got married as a child. I didn’t know anything. Now that I want to have a job, I don’t have any skills. “I wish I hadn’t gotten married.” (Participant, 3) “I was good at tailoring.” I was learning fashion design with my aunt. She always told me that I had the best talent. But when I got married, I could continue my work only for a month. Then I knew that I was pregnant. “I got busy with child care and quit my work.” (Participant, 19)

Many children are forced to drop out of school after marriage and are forced to stay at home as housewives, having no financial independence because they are neither educated nor skilled.

Positive Consequences

Marriage in childhood is not only associated with negative consequences; in some cases, these marriages can be useful and improve the lives and health of young girls, or at least save them from the bad conditions of the paternal family.

1—Gaining support and empowerment

This category consists of the subcategories of receiving intra-family support, improving living conditions, and the opportunity for progress and empowerment.

Receiving intra-family support. Young brides enjoyed a lot of prestige in their husband’s family, receiving more attention and support due to the existing social and cultural norms of the study area. In some cases, where the bride and groom were both very young, their families, and especially the groom’s family, had a duty to fully support them. The young couples received more financial support, and in some cases, they were paid living expenses for years. Paying living expenses for a young couple can relieve them of the worries of having a job, and thus, they can continue their education. Besides, young couples may have very little sexual knowledge at the beginning, so their family members, especially the women, can provide the young bride with information about the ways of having sex, etc. Of course, providing this kind of information has decreased in recent years because, with the expansion of internet access, young couples can find the information they need. In most cases, young brides who had lived with the husband’s family for a few years received more support from his family during pregnancy and childbirth. Because most of the child-related work was done by the mother-in-law or sister-in-law. However, if the bride is not young, none of this support may be provided. Thus, such situations can be considered one of the positive consequences of early marriage for girls.

“I didn’t know anything about married life, but my sister-in-law, who had an early marriage, explained everything to me before the wedding.”(Participant, 13) “My husband and I were both very young, so my father helped us, and my husband’s family didn’t let us be under much pressure.” They said, “You’re too young; we have to take care of you.” (Participant, 16) “When I told my mother-in-law that I was pregnant, she got very happy.” She told me not to worry at all, and she would take care of my baby herself. Indeed, it was as she said. She did everything related to my baby until my baby reached 3 years old. (Participant, 9)

Young couples were supported more by their families after marriage, as early marriage was accepted by the parents in the study area.

Improving living conditions

There were a lot of demands for marriage with adolescent girls. Some of these girls, who lived in families with poor economic and social conditions, could save their lives and their families’ lives by marrying people who had better economic and social status. In some cases, this change in their economic and social status may lead to their inner satisfaction with early marriage.

“I lived in a poor family. When I got married, my situation changed a lot. I had things I couldn’t even dream of. “It’s true that my husband is 10 years older than me, but I’m very happy with my life.” (Participant, 7) “My father was an addict, and he sold drugs.” Our house was always full of addicts. My uncle was always very worried that my father’s friends would hurt me. That’s why he adopted me as his son. He supported us a lot. We have the best life now. Maybe if I hadn’t gotten married sooner, my life would have been ruined, and I would have killed myself. (Participant, 27)

In some cases, girls living in economically and socially disadvantaged families made significant changes to their lives through early marriage. The early marriage made it easier for them to achieve better conditions, so this made them happy and satisfied.

Opportunities for progress and empowerment

Some women who dropped out of school in their singlehood due to financial and social limitations were able to resume their studies after marriage with the support of their husbands and even be accepted to university. This led to their inner satisfaction. Some of the other participants were able to pursue their favorite hobbies and activities, gain skills in various fields, and have a job that was not possible for them in their single life due to their financial and social restrictions.

“Before I got married, I dropped out of school. After marriage, my husband helped me to continue my study. He was the teacher of the village. My mother-in-law helped with the housework. That’s why I spent most of my time studying. I was accepted in the entrance exam of the University of Medical Sciences. Maybe if I hadn’t gotten married, I wouldn’t have thought about studying.” (Participant, 21) “Before I got married, I really wanted to be a hairdresser, but my family didn’t allow me. After marriage, my husband took me to hairdressing courses. “Now I have a hair salon, and I am really happy with my life.” (Participant, 7) “When my first child was born, I felt very good.” I felt like I matured. I enjoyed seeing that I could take care of my kid. I did my best to take care of her in the best possible way. “When all my husband’s family members praised me, my self-confidence increased.” (Participant, 22) “My husband is a good person and helps me a lot to be someone for myself.” When I finished my sewing class and got a job, I felt good about myself. “I feel like I can do anything well.” (Participant, 21) “I enjoy seeing everyone count on me and get help and advice from me in their work, especially when my husband’s family or my family is complimenting me in front of others.” (Participant, 13)

Some of the participants grew up in families that put a lot of restrictions on them and prevented them from doing what they loved to do, but by getting married, these restrictions were removed and they pursued their favorite interests and skills, and this issue has led to the development of their talents. Some other women who were able to cope with life’s problems after marriage also felt good, which made them more satisfied.

The aim of this study was to explore the consequences of early marriage among Kurdish women in western Iran. The results showed that early marriage was associated with severe negative consequences that could jeopardize the future of women and their families. But in a substantial number of cases—nearly a quarter of participants—early marriage had positive consequences for them. It made positive differences in their lives.

Physical weakness and illness were some of the consequences of early pregnancy, which could be due to the fact that these women were married at a time when their bodies had not yet completed the growth process and they were not ready to face the stress of pregnancy and childbirth. The occurrence of physical problems among women who are early married has also been shown in previous studies. 25 In this regard, another physical consequence of early marriage was high-risk pregnancy and childbirth, which was repeatedly mentioned by women. It may also be due to incomplete pelvic growth and possibly the synchronization of pregnancy and puberty development. These consequences had also been shown in previous studies. 26 , 27 Adhikari et al also found that women who married under the age of 18 had more unwanted pregnancies than other women. 28 Adolescent women did not have any understanding of marital relations and early pregnancy after marriage. So, they got pregnant very quickly without wanting to, and neither their bodies were ready for such a pregnancy nor were they mentally ready to accept it. Thus, the process of pregnancy and childbirth was difficult and painful for them. This could endanger the health of the child and the mother, leading to multiple abortions. One of the main reasons for early pregnancy in these women was the low awareness and weak communication skills of these women and their husbands; therefore, the need for continuous instruction before and after marriage to help these couples was becoming more apparent. Marriage education and telephone counseling can be one of the strategies to help women plan for pregnancy and childbirth in order to prevent negative consequences.

Emotional and psychological problems were another consequence of early marriage, which were frequently mentioned by the participants in this study. Women who married young had different and unfavorable experiences in their lives. Since they spent most of their life periods (childhood, adolescence, etc.) experiencing being forced and without being satisfied, they had different conditions from their peers, and this led to a kind of yearning and remorse in them. Marriage in childhood also deprives many girls of the opportunity to continue their education and employment. This had led to longing and regret for them, which bothered them. In this line, challenges such as depression, suicide ideation and attempt, feelings of inferiority, and low self-confidence were other psychological problems at the individual level that were mentioned. A study conducted by Uecker found that early marriage had a negative effect on women’s mental health. 29 Research by John et al and Daraz et al also showed that women who experienced early marriage had psychological problems, such as stress, depression, and anxiety. 30 , 31 Many married women were unprepared to experience any of the realities of their lives and never received training on how to deal with them, which puts them under a lot of stress. Failure to provide a proper response can lead to suicide. In 2019, the study of Lebni et al conducted in the Kurdish regions of Iran (the study area of this study), found that forced marriage was one of the important determinants of women’s self-immolation. 32 Gage, in his study, found a significant association between early marriage and suicide attempts. 33 This is one of the issues that requires mental health intervention for couples who have early marriages.

The findings of this study indicated that women who married as children frequently experienced emotional and sexual dissatisfaction and conflict. In some cases, they stated that they were forced to continue their marital relationship, and if they had suitable conditions or received more support from their father’s family, they would no longer be willing to continue the married life. The study of Hajihasani and Sim, conducted in Iran, explored that women who had the experience of early marriage had low satisfaction with marital life. 8 Emotional divorce was another noticeable consequence of early marriage in this study, which has been less discussed in previous studies. Some women stated that they did not have a stable relationship with their husbands in their married lives and that they were only physically together and did not have any emotional interactions with each other. Tilson and Larsen also reported that early marriage could lead to divorce. 34 This can also be due to the fact that early marriages are not based on real knowledge and interest and occur mostly by force or due to irrelevant reasons such as coercion, war, economic problems, etc.

Experiencing all kinds of violence was one of the family consequences of early marriage in this study. Most previous research had shown that early marriage sets the stage for violence. 16 , 35 - 37

The experience of having lots of responsibility while they had not yet completed childhood was another family problem of early marriage. Most participants stated that they had some sort of identity conflict due to having lots of responsibilities at the same time. These women were forced to take on the responsibilities of wives while they were still children, and after having children, the responsibilities of mothers were added. Since most of these women lived with their husbands’ families, they were forced to take on more responsibility, which put a lot of pressure on them.

Lack of autonomy due to a lack of awareness and a lack of life knowledge and skills was another important consequence of early marriage in this study. The results showed that women who got married early had a weak position in family life, and many life decisions were made by their husbands or even the husband’s family. Research conducted by Mardi et al also found that women who experienced early marriage were less independent in family life. 18

In response to these problems, some of the women had high-risk behaviors, such as having relationships outside of the family, having the desire to run away from home, and having the desire for alcohol and smoking. In this study, in contrast to previous research that studied the association of early marriage with prostitution and AIDS, 38 - 40 there was no prostitution among any of the samples that could refer to the social and cultural conditions of the study area because most women in this study lived in villages or small towns where everyone knew each other and could not engage in prostitution. Of course, it should be noted that there were tendencies to run away from home and have an emotional relationship outside the family.

Lack of access to social and health services was one of the interesting findings in this study. For instance, women who experienced early marriage had the greatest need for social and health services. This may be because young women are not literate enough to use these services and may also be restricted by their husbands and unable to use them. Paul and Chouhan also reported in a study of Indian women that women who married under the age of 18 had less access to maternal health care than other women. 41

Lack of access to opportunities for education and employment was another finding of this study that led women to social isolation with early marriage, and it is consistent with previous research. 42 , 43 Most women who married as children were forced to drop out of school and had no chance of learning job skills, which in turn made them weak and fragile and led to other problems. Beattie et al considered staying in school to be a way to prevent children from marrying and falling into the trap of prostitution. 39 Therefore, strategies and interventions should be provided to complete the education and training of women who marry early.

Although the negative consequences of an early marriage outweighed the positive consequences, one of the important findings was that a quarter of the women reported positive results of early marriages, and in contrast to previous studies that showed only negative consequences, this study revealed the fact that women’s marriages in certain family contexts, such as parental addiction and poor family circumstances, had exceptionally improved women’s condition. This, however, cannot be generalized and requires further investigation when these outcomes are positive. One of the positive results was receiving more family support. Some young women said that after marriage, they were supported by their and their husband’s families in issues such as sex and marriage, finance, and childcare. These supports are rooted in a cultural belief that gives the young bride more value and dignity, and in the community under study, having a young bride is considered an advantage, so families are more supportive of their young brides. The improvement of life conditions was another desirable consequence of early marriage. This finding adds to previous research showing that early marriage under certain conditions may have positive outcomes, but in total, negative outcomes outweigh the positive ones. Providing opportunities for progress and empowerment was another new and thought-provoking finding in this study that occurred in a limited number of cases. The results showed that early marriage changed the living conditions of some women by developing their talents. In fact, with their marriages and the support of their husbands, the women who dropped out of school before marriage were able to return to school to learn and develop their favorite skills. This caused them to have high self-confidence and self-efficacy. This finding could be the basis for future research on the conditions under which a woman’s early marriage had positive consequences.

Strengths and Limitations

This research is one of the few studies that has qualitatively examined the consequences of early marriage in Iran, especially in Kurdish areas that have their own social and cultural context. So, it can provide first-hand information for policymakers, social workers, and activists in the field of children and women in order to have a proper plan to reduce the negative consequences of this phenomenon. Another strength of the present study was that the researchers were natives of the study area and had the experience of conducting several studies on women’s problems. Hence, they were well acquainted with the characteristics and social customs of that region. They obtained the women’s consent to participate in the research in a better way, and they created such an atmosphere for the interviews that the women shared their information more easily with them.

However, there were some limitations to this study. The first limitation was the lack of familiarity of the women studied with the process of qualitative research and their fear of participating in the research. The researchers could attract their attention by explaining the process of interviews and publishing results, as well as by using a woman researcher familiar with the qualitative study. The study was conducted only among women who were married under the age of 18 and were less than 25 years old at the time of the interview. So, it can be said that the results of our study mostly showed the short-term consequences of early marriage. Therefore, it is suggested that further studies be conducted among older women to reveal the long-term effects and consequences of early marriage. Besides, this study was conducted only among one of the Iranian ethnic groups (Kurds), who have a different social and cultural structure than other Iranian ethnic groups, so these results cannot be considered a complete representation of Iranian society. According to the findings, it is suggested to carry out qualitative research with the title “Exploring the long-term consequences of early marriage” and “Exploring the consequences of early marriage from the perspective of men.”

The results showed that early marriage caused many individual, family, and social problems for women that could endanger their health, but in a limited number of cases, early marriage had some positive consequences, such as receiving intra-family support, improving living conditions, and eventually creating an opportunity for progress and empowerment. Therefore, in the first stage, early marriage should be prevented, but if it happens, in order to reduce the negative effects and consequences, young men and women can be educated and provided with conditions for having a less dangerous pregnancy and childbirth. Hence, providing necessary training and psychological counseling on how to deal with personal and married life problems with appropriate health and social services is necessary.

Supplemental Material

Acknowledgments.

The authors would like to thank all the participants who patiently participated.

Authors’ Contributions: Javad Yoosefi Lebni: Methodology, Formal analysis, Investigation, Writing—original draft, Supervision. Mahnaz Solhi: Conceptualization,—review & editing. Farbod Ebadi Fard Azar: Conceptualization,—review & editing, Supervision. Farideh Khalajabadi Farahani: Methodology, Data curation, Formal analysis, Investigation, Writing—original draft, Supervision. Seyed Fahim Irandoost: Investigation, Methodology.

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding: The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Ethics Approval and Consent to Participate: The study was approved by the Ethics Committee of Iran University of Medical Sciences (Code: IR.IUMS.REC.1397.1225). Written consent was obtained from all participants. In addition, the researchers obtained written consent from the spouses of the participants who were under 18 years of age.

Supplemental Material: Supplemental material for this article is available online.

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Causes and Consequences of Child Marriage: A Perspective

Abstract— the incidence of child marriage is not only in Nepal but also in the world. It is mostly in South Asia, Africa, and Latin America. High incidence rate of child marriage in Nepal among South Asian countries is the key alarm in terms of child protection. However, child marriage occurs in poor, eco-nomically deprived and dalit communities of terai. There were major three forces those drive child marriages i.e. poverty, the need to reinforce social ties and the belief that it offers protection. It directly affected the girls’ health and education. Most of the girls’ drop out from school even not completing their primary or basic education. Worsen health of girls due to maximum workload at home i.e. engaged in cooking, grass cutting. Girls’ became pregnant early in spite of maturity and led to maternal and child mortality rate. Girls’ faced domestic violence from mother in law at home. Most of them suffer from sexually transmitted infection. Therefore, these are the central concern of this paper. Therefore, this paper studies the causes and consequences of the child marriage. Furthermore, this paper will bring the possible solution for the reduction or elimination of child marriage especially in terai region of Nepal. Index Terms— Child marriage, child rights, dowry, education, out of school.

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Background: Child marriage is a clear violation of international laws. In Nepal, child marriage is illegal since 1963. The current law sets the minimum age of marriage as 20 years for both men and women but can marry after 18 years old with parental consent. Objectives: The study aimed to identify the knowledge, practices and the consequences faced by the early married women of 15-25 years in Jumla, Nepal. Methods: Descriptive cross-sectional study was conducted in Jumla among women aged between 15-25 years who were married at ≤18 years old. The study was conducted from April to September 2017. Convenient sampling method was used to select a total of 160 participants. Data were collected using semi-structure questionnaire and then analyzed using SPSS version 20, MS-Excel and MS-Word 2007.Results: 73% of women have heard about child marriage among which only 31% have knew about legal age of marriage in Nepal. Majority of the female (60%) decided themselves for their marriage. 76% of the early married mothers had withdrawn their education, 31% of mothers have their health condition declined due to work load and child birth. Violence of any or all kinds (physical or sexual, mental and verbal) by in law or husband was experienced by 33% of women. Conclusion: The study concludes that the prevalence of child marriage is still common in Jumla Nepal. Knowledge about legal age at marriage among women in this study group is low which calls for joint action from all level against it in order to stop child marriage.

Isara solutions

International Res Jour Managt Socio Human

Child marriage is common phenomena in Nepal as well as in many and many countries who are following these cultural practices beside country law. Below 20 years of age, the marriage practice is illegal in Nepal. This study is aimed to analyze the overall situation of child marriage consequences of Makwanpur district. The Chepang and Tamang ethnic communities who are indigenous chosen to conduct case-based research in the northwestern part of Makwanpur district within Bagamati Province. Some 396 households have been chosen for this study among which 201 houses from Chepang, and 195 houses from the Tamang community were chosen for this purposive stratified samples survey. Study data has shown that both communities are practicing child marriage from the age of 13 years, the reason of child marriages are culture, lack of education, affairs between the young couples, marriage system within kinship, and digital social-networking had brough young couple to tide in a relationship. Remoteness is one of the prime reasons of low development and education priority is nil for the surveyed community indicating food searching is priority and cultural aspects are major drawbacks of the early marriage. Child marriage is a common social practice considered due to social-norms, lack of education, and massive uses of digitalization's. The education promotion, and women empowerment is extremely important suggesting for promotion in future.

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After reviewing the state of early and forced child marriage (ECM) globally and nationally within Nepal, this research assessed the determinants, consequences and preventive measures of ECM in rural municipalities in Nepal today. This mixed method surveyed 167 households taking 15 % sample from the clusters of three wards of Badhaiyatal Rural Municipality in Bardiya and Dullu Municipality in Dailekh of Western Nepal. Besides household survey, six Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), 16 Key Informant&#39;s Interviews (KIIs), and 12 In-depth-Interviews (IDIs) were also conducted. There was the prevalence of ECM in 94% of the total sampled households. Majority (64%) of the marriages had taken place at the age of 15-19 years. Besides, about 23% of the marriage had occurred at 10-14 years. Average age at marriage was 16.5 years. Lack of awareness, self-elopement, misuse of social media, and parents’ perception of daughters as burden were some contributing factors of ECM. Unsafe sexual behavio...

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gokarna dahal

Dhanendra Shakya

pramila balasubramaniam

isara solutions

Child marriages were common throughout the history of world. Today, child marriage is still fairly widespread, particularly in developing countries. ‘Child Marriage is violation of girls’ human rights and undermines development efforts worldwide’ as per the International Center for Research on Women (ICRW) report. Child marriage refers to any formal marriage or informal union below the age of 18 years of a girl child and 21 years of a male child. Many social, economic and religious factors play for child marriages. Approximately 12 million girls are married in each year before they reach the age of 18 years. In India, child marriage is illegal, but still occurs and has declined moderately for the last 15 years. 25 million child marriages prevented in last decade in India due to accelerated progress, according to new UNICEF estimates. Child marriage threatens the health, childhood and their lives of girl children. Girls those who are going to marry before 18 years, they are going to have low birth-weight babies, both triggering maternal and infant mortality rate and also face domestic violence. The government of India passed ‘The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006’ to prevent the child marriages in India. Still we should to examine the infrastructure, incentives, government schemes and creation of awareness in a long perspective way to prevent the child marriage as “Our Daughter is Our Wealth”.

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Through the world marriage is one of the universal social Institutions. It is established by the human society to control and regulate the sex life of human. It is a corner stone of a society and very necessary part of Indian system. But it’s a social problem if it taken place before the person reaches an appropriate age. The problem of child marriage is very complex in nature. Its complexity lies in the historical moorings, traditional religious practices and some other social problems like dowry and child widowhood. . It not only affects the persons involved in it, but also affects the society and nation as a whole. Goalpara District is one of the highest child marriage prevalence districts of Assam. Child marriage affects both girls and boys and deprives children of their childhood. It also violates many of the basic rights of children. The present study also explain the distribution of child marriage in Assam. The study has been carried out through the field work and collection of secondary data. This study of child marriage try to explore that – Poor economic condition of the family leads to higher incidence of child marriage, Lower the educational level of parents, higher is the incidence of child marriage, Social norms and customs are related to incidence of child marriage, Big family size leads to the incidence of child marriage; and Because of increasing misuse of modern gadgets like mobile phone, TV, etc. leading to love and elopement type of child marriages in the area.

B Suresh Lal, PhD

Marriage of girls less than 18 years is a fundamental violation of their human rights including their sexual and study it was found that poverty is one of the major factors underpinning child marriage. 50% of the respondents belong to economic poor communities, 60% are illiterates and 25% have studied below 8 labour and farmer. them are getting less conditions of the married girls. decision making process of their family affairs. It observed that these married problems with regards to domestic violence, maternal mortality, child mortality, physical and sexual abuses in the study areas of Warangal district.

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Essays on Child Marriage

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Child Marriage as a Violation of Human Rights

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Cause and Effect of Getting Married

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Cause of getting married

Effect of getting married.

Since the beginning of humanity, marriage has been in existence. However, the cause that leads to marriage between couples is viewed from different perspectives. Typically, marriage is caused by one partner falling in love with another, the desire to for the partners to have kids, and the hope for a better future. However, the resulting effects of marriage are many responsibilities and reduced social opportunities though it leads to a better future.

The foundations of marriage are established when partners fall in love. Love might develop at first sight between two people leading to their marriage, or sometimes takes long before marriage occurs. In addition to that, emotional support, intimacy, companionship, and the sense of fulfillment to both partners in a love might also culminate in a marriage.

Therefore, love between married couples exists as a consuming fire, leaving them no chance but the desire to live together and sustains their marriage as a family. Prevailing love between couples engaged in a marriage consumes them like death and fire, thus, making love a compelling force.

However, marriage gets complete when kids are born to the newly created family. Thus, kids are of the motivating factors in marriage. When kids are newly born to a family, more joy is added to the marriage. However, families that do not get a kid in their first few years of marriage become anxious and worried, causing some of them to break up.

Therefore, getting kids in a marriage is one way of fitting into the social life of the community at large. Thus, love, the desire for emotional support, intimacy, and lifetime companionship form the foundations of a better future. Despite the causes of marriage, marriage brings a number of challenges and reduced social opportunities after partners have settled down, thought it leads to a better life.

Getting married comes with many responsibilities. These include the need for couples to understanding one another. When a marriage begins, husbands and wives realize a need to understand each other’s prevalence, emotions, likes, and dislikes. It is at this time that patience plays a critical role in enabling a marriage last. In addition to that, getting married reduces social opportunities available to the married couple.

This is due to the husband and wife getting involved in raising their family and having less time for social commitments. It is at that stage that marriages get more challenges and more often than not, break. However, as the couple gets committed to their marriage, the marriage lasts and becomes stronger, leading to happy and better future for the couple. Thus, one of the ultimate effects of marriage is happiness and a better future.

Marriage is an institution that has been in existence since the beginning of humanity. However, a number of reasons show various reasons for marriage. Marriage has been identified to be caused by the existence of love between couples, the desire for kids, and desire to have a better future.

A better future gets realized when both husband and wife understand each other, when love between them gets, and, keeps burning, and when both of them make strong commitments to their family. Thus, it rests as a responsibility on both the husband and the wife to take sustainably the family from one level of happiness to the other, despite the challenges they might experience on the way.

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IvyPanda . 2018. "Cause and Effect of Getting Married." October 25, 2018. https://ivypanda.com/essays/cause-and-effect-of-getting-married/.

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How Biden’s New Immigration Policy Works

The new policy will give some 500,000 people a pathway to citizenship.

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By Hamed Aleaziz

President Biden’s new immigration policy protects some 500,000 people who are married to U.S. citizens from deportation and gives them a pathway to citizenship.

The election-year move comes just two weeks after Mr. Biden imposed a major crackdown at the U.S.-Mexico border, cutting off access to asylum for people who crossed into the United States illegally.

The policy announced on Tuesday is aimed at people who have been living in the United States for more than a decade and have built their lives and families here.

Here is how it works:

Why do the spouses of American citizens need protection?

Marrying an American citizen generally provides a pathway to U.S. citizenship. But people who crossed the southern border illegally — rather than arriving in the country with a visa — must return to their home countries to complete the process for a green card, something that can take years. The new program allows families to remain in the country while they pursue legal status.

Who is eligible?

There are roughly 1.1 million undocumented immigrants married to U.S. citizens in the United States, according to Fwd.us , an immigration advocacy group, but not all of them are eligible for the program.

The spouses must have lived in the United States for 10 years and have been married to an American citizen as of June 17. They cannot have a criminal record. Officials estimate that the policy will provide legal status and protections for about 500,000 people. The benefits would also extend to the roughly 50,000 children of undocumented spouses who became stepchildren to American citizens.

When will the program take effect?

Biden administration officials said they expected the program to start by the end of the summer. Those eligible will then be able to apply for the benefits.

Why is President Biden doing this now?

Mr. Biden is trying to strike a tricky balance on immigration, which is a serious political vulnerability for him. Polls show Americans want tougher policies. Just two weeks ago, Mr. Biden announced a crackdown on asylum at the southern border.

His new policy, giving hundreds of thousands of immigrants new legal protections, is a way for him to answer the calls from the progressive base of the Democratic Party, which has accused the White House of betraying campaign promises to enact a more humane approach to immigrants.

Hamed Aleaziz covers the Department of Homeland Security and immigration policy. More about Hamed Aleaziz

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FACT SHEET: President   Biden Announces New Actions to Keep Families   Together

Since his first day in office, President Biden has called on Congress to secure our border and address our broken immigration system. As Congressional Republicans have continued to put partisan politics ahead of national security – twice voting against the toughest and fairest set of reforms in decades – the President and his Administration have taken actions to secure the border, including:

• Implementing executive actions to bar migrants who cross our Southern border unlawfully from receiving asylum when encounters are high;
• Deploying record numbers of law enforcement personnel, infrastructure, and technology to the Southern border;
• Seizing record amounts of fentanyl at our ports of entry;
• Revoking the visas of CEOs and government officials outside the U.S. who profit from migrants coming to the U.S. unlawfully; and
• Expanding efforts to dismantle human smuggling networks and prosecuting individuals who violate immigration laws.

President Biden believes that securing the border is essential. He also believes in expanding lawful pathways and keeping families together, and that immigrants who have been in the United States for decades, paying taxes and contributing to their communities, are part of the social fabric of our country. The Day One immigration reform plan that the President sent to Congress reflects both the need for a secure border and protections for the long-term undocumented. While Congress has failed to act on these reforms, the Biden-Harris Administration has worked to strengthen our lawful immigration system. In addition to vigorously defending the DACA (Deferred Action for Childhood arrivals) policy, the Administration has extended Affordable Care Act coverage to DACA recipients and streamlined, expanded, and instituted new reunification programs so that families can stay together while they complete the immigration process.  Still, there is more that we can do to bring peace of mind and stability to Americans living in mixed-status families as well as young people educated in this country, including Dreamers. That is why today, President Biden announced new actions for people who have been here many years to keep American families together and allow more young people to contribute to our economy.   Keeping American Families Together

• Today, President Biden is announcing that the Department of Homeland Security will take action to ensure that U.S. citizens with noncitizen spouses and children can keep their families together.
• This new process will help certain noncitizen spouses and children apply for lawful permanent residence – status that they are already eligible for – without leaving the country.
• These actions will promote family unity and strengthen our economy, providing a significant benefit to the country and helping U.S. citizens and their noncitizen family members stay together.
• In order to be eligible, noncitizens must – as of June 17, 2024 – have resided in the United States for 10 or more years and be legally married to a U.S. citizen, while satisfying all applicable legal requirements. On average, those who are eligible for this process have resided in the U.S. for 23 years.
• Those who are approved after DHS’s case-by-case assessment of their application will be afforded a three-year period to apply for permanent residency. They will be allowed to remain with their families in the United States and be eligible for work authorization for up to three years. This will apply to all married couples who are eligible.  
• This action will protect approximately half a million spouses of U.S. citizens, and approximately 50,000 noncitizen children under the age of 21 whose parent is married to a U.S. citizen.

Easing the Visa Process for U.S. College Graduates, Including Dreamers

• President Obama and then-Vice President Biden established the DACA policy to allow young people who were brought here as children to come out of the shadows and contribute to our country in significant ways. Twelve years later, DACA recipients who started as high school and college students are now building successful careers and establishing families of their own.
• Today’s announcement will allow individuals, including DACA recipients and other Dreamers, who have earned a degree at an accredited U.S. institution of higher education in the United States, and who have received an offer of employment from a U.S. employer in a field related to their degree, to more quickly receive work visas.
• Recognizing that it is in our national interest to ensure that individuals who are educated in the U.S. are able to use their skills and education to benefit our country, the Administration is taking action to facilitate the employment visa process for those who have graduated from college and have a high-skilled job offer, including DACA recipients and other Dreamers. 

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